Mexico Begins Legal Action In US Over Deaths Of Citizens in ICE Custody

Mexico Begins Legal Action in US Over Deaths of Citizens in ICE Custody and During Raids MEXICO Mexico formally asked US state attorneys general this week to open criminal investigations into the deaths of Mexican citizens in Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) custody or during raids, marking its strongest response yet to the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown. Mexico’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced the move Tuesday and said the government also plans to file a similar complaint with the US Department of Justice. The United States is not legally required to act on the requests. The ministry added that the government has also sent cease-and-desist letters to detention facilities where Mexicans have died, including California’s Adelanto center, where four citizens reportedly died. Officials described the letters as a first step toward “the eventual filing of civil lawsuits” against the companies operating the detention centers in an effort to stop alleged human rights violations. The move comes a week after Mexican immigrant Lorenzo Salgado Araujo was shot and killed during an ICE raid in Houston. Salgado Araujo had no criminal record and had lived in the US for 35 years. According to Mexico’s government, 17 Mexican migrants have died during immigration enforcement operations or while in custody since US President Donald Trump began his second term in January 2025. The complaints mark an escalation in Sheinbaum’s response to Washington’s immigration policies. Earlier this year, Mexico instructed its diplomatic missions in the United States to regularly check on Mexican nationals held in ICE custody. In addition to Tuesday’s complaints, Mexican Foreign Minister Roberto Velasco Álvarez sent a letter to United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk asking his office to seek information from US authorities and assess whether the deaths are consistent with Washington’s international obligations.

In Venezuela Earthquake Survivors Say They Can Only Count On themselves

In Venezuela, Earthquake Survivors Say They Can Only Count on Themselves VENEZUELA Venezuela Single mother Astrid Arnaude, 35, and her eight-year-old daughter, Jade Hernández, endured 60 hours trapped under the rubble after two earthquakes struck Venezuela on June 24. They distracted themselves by talking to each other. “We had deep conversations about spirituality and life,” Arnaude told the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. “(Jade) told me, ‘I don’t want to suffer, Mama. If we die, I don’t want that we suffer.’ And that was like the faith that maintained us, that allowed us to hold on through so much.” Luckily, they survived thanks to rescue teams and volunteers, including heroes like Darwin Rodriguez, a mechanic nicknamed Culebrita (Little Snake) for his skill in slithering into tight spaces to save his fellow citizens. “I’m not afraid,” Rodriguez, 32, said in an interview with the Guardian about his rescue missions. “But you need to be brave to do this.” The 7.2-magnitude and 7.5-magnitude earthquakes struck within a minute of each other around 100 miles west of the capital of Caracas around dinnertime. The quakes brought down buildings, ignited fires and trapped thousands in rubble. By mid-July, more than 4,500 people had been confirmed dead. Interim President Delcy Rodríguez, who assumed office after American special forces seized her predecessor, former President Nicolás Maduro, in early January, declared a state of emergency and sent appeals to US President Donald Trump for assistance. About 2,000 US service members supported the relief effort. These efforts have made little impact on the ground, however. Years of economic mismanagement, corruption and poor oversight under Rodríguez and Maduro’s socialist governments, and the toll of American sanctions imposed over alleged corruption and repression, have eroded public services. It’s not clear if the Venezuelan government can weather the housing and public health crisis that it is now facing. Currently, thousands of survivors remain outdoors, afraid of damaged homes, looting and heavy rains. Those in makeshift, crowded camps face disease outbreaks, doctors warned. Maria Piñate, a 64-year-old pensioner, was living in an apartment in downtown Caracas when the earthquakes hit. “We don’t dare go back in – the walls will fall on top of us,” she told Turkey’s Anadolu Agency, pointing to cracks in the façade of the building. Living in her car, she is better off than many of her neighbors, whose tents fill with water when the heavy rains fall. “There are lots of people – far too many people – who have truly lost everything,” she added. Following the disaster, the future of tens of thousands of people is up in the air. Many have lost homes and jobs in a country where the majority was already struggling to survive. Meanwhile, many Venezuelans are furious at the government’s tepid response, pointing at a failure to mobilize the heavy machinery and manpower needed to rescue survivors, and at poorly built public housing, insufficient safety regulations and disaster preparation. They say the first responders were fishermen, doctors and émigrés returning from abroad to help. Citing what she called the government’s incompetence, corruption, and slow disaster response, exiled Venezuelan Nobel Peace Prize laureate María Corina Machado called on the Venezuelan and American governments to allow her to return and help lead a transition in a time of tragedy. Nearly half of Venezuelans said holding new elections was more urgent than rebuilding, Bloomberg reported, citing polls. More than 63 percent disapproved of Rodríguez’s job performance. Whether a new government can solve the enormous problems the country currently faces is an open question. At the moment, many Venezuelans say they feel deserted and can only rely on themselves. As a result, neighbors, friends and strangers – even those abroad – organized themselves, conducted rescues and provided shelter, food and hope to many hurt by the quakes. They realized, they said, they only have each other to count on. “Where is the government, the president, the helicopters, the aid?” asked Sabrina Carranza, 21, who lost her home in the disaster, in an interview with the Washington Post. “The police come, take pictures and leave. They are making fun of us.”

"Worst of the Worst" ICE and the Case of Chilean Intelligence Operative Armando Fernandez Larios

“Worst of the Worst”: ICE and the Case of Chilean Intelligence Operative Armando Fernandez Larios Search ICE Detained Ex-Chilean Agent for Criminal Acts of Murder—Then Let Him Go 50 Years Ago, Fernandez Larios Participated in Pinochet Plot to Assassinate Orlando Letelier in Washington, D.C. Former DINA Agent Was Part of “Caravan of Death” that Executed Civilians After September 1973 Military Coup Published: Jul 10, 2026 Briefing Book # 926 Edited by Peter Kornbluh For further information, contact: Peter Kornbluh: 202-374-7281 or peter.kornbluh@gmail.com Subjects Human Rights and Genocide Secrecy and FOIA Terrorism and Counterterrorism Regions South America Events Chile – Coup d’État, 1973 Project Chile book The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability By Peter Kornbluh, New Press (September 11, 2013) book cover Pinochet desclasificado by Peter Kornbluh, Un Dia en La Vida/Editorial Catalonia (August, 2023) assassination on embassy row book cover Assassination on Embassy Row by John Dinges and Saul Landau, Pantheon Books (January, 1980) The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents by John Dinges, The New Press (August 1, 2012) Los Anos del Condor book cover Los años del Cóndor (Spanish Edition) by John Dinges, DEBATE (June 1, 2021) Operation Condor book cover Operation Condor: The Pact That Terrorized a Continent by Francesca Lessa, Sebastián Santana (May 12, 2026) Washington D.C., July 10, 2026 - On October 27, 2025, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents quietly detained Armando Fernandez Larios, a former Chilean secret police operative living in Florida. His incarceration at the Krome Detention Center in Miami remained unknown until he appeared on the Department of Homeland Security’s “worst of the worst” list—one of several Trump administration publicity stunts from January 2026 meant to demonstrate that ICE was rounding up immigrants with actual criminal backgrounds. Despite detaining Fernandez Larios for past crimes of “homicide,” ICE released him from custody after he filed an “unlawful detention” lawsuit, according to court records posted today by the National Security Archive alongside declassified documents on his role in an act of international terrorism in Washington, D.C., 50 years ago. Rather than respond to the lawsuit, ICE officials freed Fernandez Larios on March 19, 2026, according to a legal ruling in the case obtained by the Archive’s Chile Documentation Project. The March 30 ruling by Chief U.S. District Judge Cecilia Altonaga dismissed the Fernandez Larios suit as “moot” because ICE had already released him. But the ruling provides details on the latest twist in the saga of a notorious Chilean human rights violator who has been living freely in Florida for decades despite his involvement in the September 21, 1976, car bombing that took the lives of former Chilean ambassador Orlando Letelier and his 25-year-old associate, Ronni Karpen Moffitt, in downtown Washington, D.C., and his conviction in a 2003 federal civil lawsuit for his role in an elite military unit known as “the Caravan of Death.” The Letelier-Moffitt Assassination In his lawsuit against ICE, Fernandez Larios presented “a breach-of contract claim,” arguing that the U.S. government had broken a legal agreement made in early 1987 when he sought to defect to the United States during the final years of the Pinochet dictatorship. For his role in the Letelier-Moffitt assassination, Fernandez Larios would plead guilty to being an “accessory after the fact to murder” and testify truthfully about the Letelier operation and General Pinochet’s role in it. In return, the U.S. Justice Department recommended a reduced sentence and promised that it “would neither seek to deport [him] to Chile nor cooperate in his extradition to Chile, absent a violation of the agreement.” Now, according to the Fernandez Larios complaint, the U.S. government had “materially breached the parties’ plea agreement by initiating removal proceedings and detaining [him] for the purpose of deporting him to Chile.” Fifty years ago, Fernandez Larios was a 26-year-old agent of the Chilean Directorate of National Intelligence (DINA)—the Pinochet regime’s secret police force responsible for much of the repression during the early years of the military dictatorship, including international assassination operations. In mid-1976, Fernandez Larios and DINA’s leading hitman, Michael Townley, were ordered to undertake an operation in the United States against General Pinochet’s leading critic in exile, Orlando Letelier. DINA’s deputy director, Col. Pedro Espinoza, instructed Townley that he and Lt. Col. Armando Fernandez Larios were to travel to Paraguay to obtain false passports and U.S. visas and then on to Washington, D.C., for a mission “the result of which would be the assassination of Orlando Letelier,” according to a declassified State Department summary of the case. Townley and Fernandez Larios did travel to Asuncion, Paraguay, as part of a collaboration of Southern Cone secret police services known as Operation Condor where they obtained false passports from the Paraguayans. After some delay, they were provided visas from the U.S. Embassy, after claiming to be on a secret mission to meet with CIA deputy director Vernon Walters at Langley headquarters in Virginia. But instead of flying to the United States, they returned to Santiago, concerned that U.S. officials were suspicious of their cover story. After waiting a month to see if the Letelier operation had been compromised, Fernandez Larios traveled to Washington using a false Chilean passport under the name “Armando Faundez Lyon.” His assignment was to conduct advance surveillance on Letelier’s movements. In a men’s lavatory at John F. Kennedy airport on September 9, 1976, Fernandez furtively rendezvoused with Townley to provide him with a surveillance map, notes on Letelier’s home and office addresses, as well as cash for the operation. Townley then recruited members of the violent anti-Castro Cuban exile group, the Cuban National Movement, to assist him in building, placing, and detonating the car bomb. On September 21, 1976, Letelier and his 25-year-old colleague at the Institute for Policy Studies, Ronni Karpen Moffitt, were killed when the bomb attached to the undercarriage of the Chevrolet Chevelle they were riding in exploded as they drove to work in downtown Washington, D.C. Moffitt’s husband, Michael, was the sole survivor of the bombing. polygraph In a “Factual Proffer” provided to U.S. officials in early February 1987, Fernandez Larios claimed he had been excluded from all discussions on eliminating Letelier. But he conceded that he “understood that the true purpose might be other than the limited surveillance mission described to him, [and] that the outcome to the object of the mission, Orlando Letelier, might very well be harm or even death.” A polygraph test administered to him in Brazil as U.S. officials sought to determine his credibility showed “consistent signs of deception in Fernandez’ disclaimers” that he did not know the true intention of his DINA mission. “He now acknowledges that his surveillance contributed to the death of Letelier and Moffitt,” according to a secret summary of his polygraph results included in today’s posting. In the aftermath of the assassination, Fernandez Larios participated in an extensive cover-up orchestrated by high DINA officials—and by General Pinochet himself. Fernandez Larios admitted to deceiving official military investigators, testifying falsely before the Chilean Supreme Court (after he was identified in the U.S. and Chilean press, along with Townley, as a lead suspect in the car bombing), and lying to U.S. investigators from the FBI and Justice Department. After the Carter administration demanded his extradition in 1978, Fernandez Larios was confined to a military hospital in Santiago for 14 months, along with former DINA director Manuel Contreras and deputy director Pedro Espinoza. When he let it be known that he wanted to go to the United States “to resolve this matter,” he was called to a meeting with General Pinochet, who ordered him to stay put. “Be a good soldier, tough it out,” Pinochet told him, “and this problem will have a happy end.” A comprehensive CIA review of its intelligence on the Letelier-Moffitt case, conducted a few months after Fernandez Larios defected, concluded that there was “convincing evidence that President Pinochet personally ordered his intelligence chief to carry out the murder.” The assessment added that Pinochet later “decided to stonewall on the case to hide his involvement and, ultimately, to protect his hold on the presidency.” In late 1985, U.S. officials used an intermediary to approach Fernandez Larios, and he renewed his efforts to defect to the United States. An initial secret meeting with several U.S. officials, lasting ten hours, took place in Santiago in mid-January 1987. State Department and FBI officers then arranged to debrief him in Brazil later that month and subsequently brought him to the United States. On February 4, 1987, Fernandez Larios appeared in the Washinton courtroom of Judge Barrington Parker. He was not charged as an accomplice in a terrorist attack, but rather as an “accessory after the fact” who “did testify falsely and provide false information” to help his DINA superiors “escape apprehension for trial and punishment.” To obtain a reduced sentence for him, Justice Department officials pledged to “make the Court aware of the nature and extent of Mr. Fernandez Larios’ cooperation with all branches of the United States government with which he is assisting”—an indication that Fernandez Larios might be sharing information on DINA operations with U.S. intelligence agencies. letelier moffit monumen Letelier-Moffitt Memorial, Sheridan Circle, Washington, D.C. (Photo credit: Peter Kornbluh) On May 6, 1987, Judge Parker sentenced him to up to seven years in prison. Almost immediately, U.S. officials began lobbying for his release. “I personally have come to know Mr. Fernandez Larios and his character well,” State Department legal advisor Michael Kozak wrote to the U.S. Parole Commission in July 1987. “I can attest that when he is released from prison he will nonetheless continue to be punished every day. He has given up a great deal because of his willingness to come forward and pay his debt to the United States and society at large,” according to Kozak. “In my judgement, Mr. Fernandez Larios is a remarkably stable and responsible individual who poses no danger to society.” After only five months of incarceration, Fernandez Larios was released on parole on September 11, 1987—the 14th anniversary of Chile’s military coup. The Caravan of Death As part of his plea-bargain negotiations, according to a secret summary of his first debriefing with U.S. officials, Fernandez Larios was “fully aware that if he fails any further tests of his credibility…on any significant point, including involvement in other violent acts, any agreement would be void and he would be in serious jeopardy.” Yet Fernandez Larios appears to have withheld information on his multiple violent human rights atrocities committed as a member of an elite military unit known as the “Caravan of Death.” In the weeks following the coup, an elite team of military operatives helicoptered into smaller towns in the north and south of Chile seizing municipal officials—mayors, council members, police chiefs, and others—who were supporters of the deposed president, Salvador Allende. Approximately 72 individuals were summarily executed; many of them then disappeared. Multiple witnesses identified Fernandez Larios as one of the most ruthless members of the military death squad. Fernandes Larios Fernandez Larios during the Caravan of Death civil suit, July 2003 After Pinochet was forced from power in 1990, investigations into the atrocities of his regime began. As the Caravan’s victims were located and exhumed, Chilean authorities initiated legal proceedings against the perpetrators, including Fernandez Larios. On March 19, 1999, the family of Winston Cabello, a 28-year-old regional planning director in the northern town of Copiapó who was executed along with 12 other political prisoners by the Caravan of Death on October 17, 1973, filed a Federal lawsuit against Fernandez Larios in Florida for “extrajudicial killing, torture, crimes against humanity and cruel and inhuman treatment.” (The family was represented by the San Francisco-based Center for Justice and Accountability with the support of the Palo Alto law firm of Wilson Sonsini Goodrich Rosati, and the Florida-based lawyer, Robert Kerrigan.) Over three years of investigation—much of it conducted by Cabello’s sister, Zita Cabello-Barrueto—the legal team tracked down and deposed Chilean witnesses who identified Fernandez Larios as a participant in the torture and executions of prisoners in multiple municipalities. In Copiapó, one witness testified, Fernandez Larios had personally slashed Cabello to death with a curved knife known as a corvo. During the trial, Fernandez Larios testified that he was the only member of the military unit that carried that weapon as an “ornament” on his uniform. Winston Cabello Winston Dwight Cabello Bravo The three-week trial ended on October 15, 2003, 30 years after Cabello’s death. The jury found Fernandez Larios liable for extrajudicial killings, torture and crimes against humanity, and awarded the family $4 million in damages. “Our lawsuit marked the first time in US history that in a contested jury trial someone was found responsible for crimes against humanity,” Zita Cabello-Barrueto wrote in her memoir about her brother’s case, In Search of Spring. “It was also the first time that any Pinochet operative had been tried in the United States for human rights abuses in Chile.” Extradition Requests During the civil trial against Fernandez Larios, the jury also heard testimony about another human rights crime he committed—the kidnapping and disappearance of the former manager of Chile’s largest copper mine, David Silberman. On October 4, 1974, a team of DINA agents arrived at the Santiago penitentiary where Silberman was being held as a political prisoner and carried him away in an unmarked pick-up truck; he was never seen again. The warden at the jail testified that the leader of the DINA unit that took him was Fernandez Larios. Silberman’s disappearance became another human rights crime linked to Fernandez Larios; and as they had done in the Caravan of Death cases, Chilean judicial authorities sought his extradition from the United States. Indeed, since the late 1990s, Fernandez Larios has been the subject of five extradition efforts, most recently as part of an investigation into the September 1976 murder of Ronni Moffitt. Last month, a Chilean magistrate, Paola Plaza, announced she had closed that case, finding three more DINA agents guilty of participating in the terrorist plot 50 years ago. The U.S. never responded to Chile’s extradition request for Fernandez Larios. Presumably, Fernandez Larios remains protected from being extradited to Chile; but he still could be deported to a third country—a practice the Trump administration has notoriously used to expel immigrants from the United States—and transferred to Chile from there. In addition, his arrest by ICE last October reveals that Fernandez Larios’ immigration status remains in limbo, as it has been for decades. In 2005, Fernandez Larios attempted to secure an “S” visa that protects foreign informants from ejection from the United States. But key U.S. government officials opposed granting him that protective status. “Some immigration officials have wanted to detain Fernández Larios to face deportation proceedings, citing his lack of any immigration papers and a 1996 law that mandates deportation of foreigners convicted of aggravated felonies,” the Miami Herald reported at the time. More than 20 years later, that little-known effort to deport him appears to have been revisited. Although Fernandez Larios is, once again, living freely in Florida, the upcoming 50th anniversary of the Letelier-Moffitt assassination is likely to bring renewed attention to his role in one of the most infamous atrocities ever committed on the streets of Washington, D.C. “If there is anyone who truly qualifies as ‘the worst of the worst,’ observes the Archive’s senior analyst on Chile, Peter Kornbluh, “it is Armando Fernandez Larios.” The Documents ebb926 d1 Document 1 United States District Court, Armando Fernandez-Larios, petitioner, v. Charles Parra, et al, Respondents, March 30, 2026 Mar 30, 2026 Source United States District Court, Southern District of Florida This four-page ruling by Chief U.S. District Judge Cecilia Altonaga reveals key details about what transpired after ICE agents detained former Chilean DINA operative Armando Fernandez Larios in October 2025. After spending almost four months at the Krome Detention Center in Miami, on February 20, 2026, Fernandez Larios filed a writ of Habeas Corpus petition, challenging his detention, with an additional “breach of contract” claim. That claim argued that the United States government had violated a plea agreement Fernandez Larios had made in 1987 to provide information on the September 21, 1976, car-bombing assassination of Orlando Letelier and Ronni Moffitt in return for a shortened prison sentence and a promise that the Government “would neither seek to deport [him] to Chile nor to cooperate in his extradition to Chile.” The judge ordered ICE to respond to the suit by March 19, 2026. But instead of responding, ICE officials released Fernandez Larios. “On March 19, 2026—the same day Respondents’ Return was due,” the judge stated in her ruling, “the Government paroled [Fernandez Larios].” On the basis of his release and with “no pending removal proceeding or threatened proceeding,” the judge dismissed the Habeas suit. ebb926 d2 Document 2 State Department, Roger Channel Cable, [Highlights of U.S. Team’s Ten-Hour Interview with Fernandez Larios], Top Secret/Eyes Only, January 15, 1987 Jan 15, 1987 Source Clinton Administration Chile Declassification Project This Top Secret/Roger Channel cable from the U.S. Embassy in Santiago reports on a secret ten-hour meeting between Armando Fernandez Larios and U.S. officials. Fernandez Larios recounts his role in the assassination of Orlando Letelier and Ronni Moffitt, divulging that General Augusto Pinochet personally engaged in a cover-up of the crime by blocking Fernandez Larios from turning himself over to the United States. “Pinochet was upset that Fernandez had developed this attitude, told him that he had to be a good soldier, to continue the struggle and this problem would have a happy end.” U.S. officials deemed Fernandez Larios “credible” and reported that “what he has to offer as a witness is of substantial impact from both a law enforcement and foreign policy standpoint.” ebb926 d3 Document 3 State Department, Roger channel cable, “Letelier,” Secret, January 26, 1987 Jan 26, 1987 Source Clinton Administration Chile Declassification Project After debriefing Fernandez Larios in Santiago in mid-January 1987, U.S. officials assisted his departure from Chile on January 22 to Brazil. There, he underwent further debriefings and took a series of polygraph exams to determine his credibility. On the key issue of his knowledge of the true intent of his Letelier mission, he failed. A polygraph showed “consistent signs of deception in Fernandez’ disclaimers,” and “he now acknowledges that his surveillance contributed to the death of Letelier and Moffitt,” according to this secret cable summarizing the results of the polygraph exams. “Polygraph examination has resulted in acknowledgement by Fernandez that he ‘supposed’ prior to trip to Paraguay that operation was to result in death of Letelier.” ebb926 d4 Document 4 Department of State, memorandum, “Results of Interview with Indicted Letelier Assassin,” Secret/Sensitive, January 26, 1987 Jan 26, 1987 Source Clinton Administration Chile Declassification Project In a report on the results of the debriefings of Fernandez Larios, an unidentified State Department officer appears to ignore the results of the polygraph tests and declares that “Fernandez is not a murderer or party to a conspiracy to murder.” The document states that “Fernandez also asserts no involvement in other crimes”—a claim later disproven by evidence of his role in the Caravan of Death and other DINA operations. The report points out that his information on the Letelier-Moffitt case is “of limited value” but that “the foreign policy benefits are substantial” and warrant a plea bargain deal for his cooperation. ebb926 d5 Document 5 DOJ, “Factual Proffer,” February 4, 1987 Feb 4, 1987 Source DNSA, Chile and the U.S.: U.S. Policy toward Democracy, Dictatorship, and Human Rights, 1970–1990 This 15-page “proffer” summarizes Fernandez Larios’ testimonial confession of events relating to the assassination of Orlando Letelier and Ronni Moffitt and the subsequent effort by General Pinochet and high-ranking DINA officers to cover up the regime’s role in an act of international terrorism. Fernandez Larios has convinced U.S. officials that he was never told he was participating in a mission of international assassination. But he concedes in his proffer that he “understood that the true purpose might be other than the limited surveillance mission described to him, [and] that the outcome to the object of the mission, Orlando Letelier, might very well be harm or even death.” The proffer details his role in the cover-up after the assassination as well as his interactions with General Pinochet, whose role in the terrorist attack the cover-up was designed to hide. ebb926 d6 Document 6 Federal District Court, Transcript, [Fernandez Larios Plea Bargain Hearing], February 4, 1987 Feb 4, 1987 Source Federal District Court On February 4, 1987, Armando Fernandez Larios appeared in the Washington, D.C., courtroom of Judge Barrington Parker to plead guilty to one charge of “accessory after the fact to murder of an internationally protected person.” The hearing addressed his cooperation in return for a reduced sentence; the Justice Department sought a prison term of seven years and assured the judge that they would “make the Court aware of the nature and extent of Mr. Fernandez Larios’ cooperation with all branches of the United States government with which he is assisting.” ebb926 d7 Document 7 Department of State, Letter, [Legal Advisor Michael Kozak Letter to Parole Board on Releasing Fernandez Larios], July 21, 1987 Jul 21, 1987 Source Clinton Administration Chile Declassification Project Almost as soon as Fernandez Larios went to prison, U.S. officials began lobbying for his quick release. The State Department’s legal advisor, Michael Kozak, sent a letter to the U.S. Parole Commission in July 1987 lauding Fernandez Larios for coming forward and providing evidence on an international crime in which he had participated. “I personally have come to know Mr. Fernandez Larios and his character well,” Kozak wrote to the Parole Commission. “I can attest that when he is released from prison he will nonetheless continue to be punished every day. He has given up a great deal because of his willingness to come forward and pay his debt to the United States and society at large.” Their lobbying efforts were successful. After only five months of incarceration, Fernandez Larios was paroled in the fall of 1987. ebb926 d8 Document 8 Department of State, Memorandum from Secretary Shultz to President Reagan, “Pinochet and the Letelier-Moffitt Murders: Implications for U.S. Policy,” Secret, October 6, 1987 Oct 6, 1987 Source Special Chilean Government request for US Records on 40th anniversary of the Letelier-Moffitt Assassination The defection of Armando Fernandez Larios and his testimony implicating General Augusto Pinochet in an act of international terrorism in Washington, D.C., revived interest in the Letelier-Moffitt assassination—in the United States and in Chile. Inside the Reagan administration, Secretary of State George Shultz used the renewed attention to the case to press the President to abandon U.S. support for the Pinochet dictatorship. Shultz instructed the CIA to review its intelligence files on Pinochet’s role in the assassination and then used their conclusions that Pinochet had “personally ordered” the operation as ammunition to convince Reagan that it was time to support a return to democracy in Chile. In this secret memo to the President, Shultz draws on the CIA report and on the Fernandez Larios testimony. “Fernandez’ revelations have had a significant political impact within Chile and the CIA concludes that Pinochet will be ‘unable to satisfy the military’s concern that Pinochet take effective steps to repair the damage already done to the armed forces’ reputation,’” Shultz reports to Reagan. “While some in the USG had previously believed that Pinochet had ordered the murders, and there were strong signs that he was involved in the cover-up, the CIA has never before drawn and presented its conclusion that such strong evidence exists of his leadership role in this act of terrorism.” ebb926 d9 Document 9 Department of State, “The Letelier Dispute: Background and Factual Summary, January 1989 Jan 1989 Source Clinton Administration Chile Declassification Project As the U.S. government presses the Pinochet regime to expel indicted DINA officials to the United States, the State Department provides a comprehensive history of the Letelier-Moffitt case and efforts to bring those responsible to justice. According to the official summary, “In late June or early July 1976, Colonel Pedro Espinoza, Director of Operations for DINA, instructed Michael Vernon Townley, an expatriate United States citizen living in Chile, and Armando Fernandez, a lieutenant in the Chilean Army, to participate in a mission, the result of which would be the assassination of Orlando Letelier.” The nine-page summary provides a chronology of U.S. efforts to obtain the extradition of Espinoza and DINA chief Manuel Contreras, and the Pinochet regime’s ongoing obstruction of justice in the case. “The United States continues to demand that Chile cooperate in bringing this matter to a satisfactory resolution,” the report concludes. ebb926 d10 Document 10 Chilean Supreme Court, Extradition Petition for Armando Fernandez Larios in the Caravan of Death Operations, November 9, 2016 Nov 9, 2016 Source Chilean courts In 2016, human rights judge Mario Carroza sought to revive prosecution of the Caravan of Death murders that were carried out on Pinochet’s orders in the weeks following the September 11, 1973, military coup. In an extradition petition authorized by the Chilean Supreme Court, Judge Carroza identified Fernandez Larios as a member of the military death squad that landed in La Serrena on October 16, 1973, and executed, one-by-one, 15 local pro-Allende officials. The victims were then buried in a common grave, according to the petition’s summary of the facts. This extradition petition was one of five sent from Chile for Fernandez Larios as Chilean judicial authorities investigated the human rights atrocities he was involved in. The U.S. government returned, rejected or did not respond to those formal petitions for extradition, which included a request that Fernandez Larios be returned to Chile to be prosecuted for the murder of Ronni Moffitt, who was killed alongside Orlando Letelier in the car bombing, 50 years ago, on September 21, 1976.

Cartel Violence Strikes Mexican Village Amid World Cup

Cartel Violence Strikes Mexican Village Amid World Cup MEXICO Cartel drones dropped bombs on a cluster of rural communities in southern Mexico on Wednesday, deepening frustration among residents even as the government said it has tightened security for the World Cup matches. The assault began around 6 a.m. local time in Guajes de Ayala, a group of rural communities in Guerrero state. No deaths were reported. Residents of the villages said they repeatedly warned authorities that the criminal group La Nueva Familia Michoacana was preparing an assault, yet did not receive protection. Mexican authorities disputed reports of the assault, despite videos circulated by residents appearing to show explosions and gunfire, captured from civilian mountain lookouts. The attacks unfolded while 100,000 police and military personnel were deployed to safeguard World Cup venues in Mexico City, Guadalajara and Monterrey. Inhabitants of the communities have expressed disappointment in national authorities as they have concentrated police forces on World Cup hubs, instead of the threatened villages. Guerrero has long been one of Mexico’s most violent states, with rival criminal organizations battling over territory used for drug trafficking and extortion. In the face of what residents described as an absence of security authorities, a civilian-led local self-defense group had already been formed in recent years. The attack comes amid renewed scrutiny of Mexico’s security strategy under President Claudia Sheinbaum, who pledged to curb cartel violence after taking office. While official homicide figures initially declined, violence has intensified in several regions following the death of Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) leader Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes. Last month, gunmen killed five police officers and wounded five others in Michoacan, just a day before the World Cup opener in Mexico City.

Paraguay Becomes A Prize For The US and China

In the Race for Dominance in South America, Paraguay Becomes a Prize PARAGUAY Landlocked Paraguay has never been a major player in geopolitics. Today, however, the South American country has become the prize in a tug of war between China, Taiwan and the US. Context for this diplomatic game is key. Anti-communist conservatives have long governed Paraguay. In the 1880s, German colonists settled there in a bid to create a home for Aryans. In the 1930s through the 1950s, Nazism was prevalent in the country. In 1957, Taiwan’s nationalist leader Chiang Kai-shek and Paraguayan military dictator Alfredo Stroessner inked an alliance in a bid to erect a wall against mainland China and the Soviet Union. That legacy is one reason why Paraguayan leader Santiago Pena is close to American President Donald Trump. Since he assumed office in 2023, Pena signed a defense pact with the US, joined Trump’s Gaza-focused Board of Peace, and enthusiastically participated in other White House efforts to expand its influence in the country. On the social front, Pena has also denounced abortion, “alternative” family dynamics, and other “radical” – or, depending on one’s point of view, progressive – social experiments. Lastly, Pena has cultivated links with Spain’s populist political party Vox and Patriots for Europe, a right-wing group of European Parliament members, added University of Birmingham international relations expert Andrew Nickson in the Conversation. But while Pena and his administration remain loyal to Taiwan, China has been trying to drive a wedge between the two nations in its efforts to cement its influence in Latin America, where Trump also wants to grow the US’ dominance. So far, Pena has held fast. “All the Latin American ​countries that switched from Taiwan to China and fell into the arms of the promise of the Chinese dream – every single one of them is worse off than Paraguay,” he said in December. Still, 19 Paraguayan lawmakers, five journalists and a potential opposition presidential candidate have visited China over the past few years. During those visits, analysts say, Chinese officials likely discussed how Paraguay can’t export soy and beef to China because the country is one of only 12 on the planet that maintains diplomatic ties with Taiwan. At the same time, Paraguay imports $6 billion in Chinese goods. Already, several countries such as Honduras, Nauru and Nicaragua have given in to Chinese pressure and abandoned Taiwan in recent years. Taiwan has been countering this charm offensive. The island has lent Paraguay $200 million to build affordable housing, given $20 million for a new hospital and $18 million for a new technical college, and granted 800 Paraguayans scholarships to study science and math in Taipei. Boosters at the Global Taiwan Institute have also called for Taiwan to buy more Paraguayan agricultural products and other goods and invest in data centers that could use the country’s cheap electricity. The US, incidentally, has not only been pushing for more data centers in the country, but it has been investing in them there, too. “The Trump administration has deployed assiduous, patient diplomacy with Paraguay, enlivened by its newly aligned interests in making the country a hub for US-backed data center projects,” wrote Politico. That might make the US the default winner in the competition for Paraguay. Because Paraguayans desperately want to become the ‘Silicon Valley’ of South America. Gabriela Cibils, who worked in Silicon Valley and is now a partner at global technology and investment firm Cibersons, based in Paraguay’s capital Asunción, is leading efforts to build a large and successful tech sector in the country by attempting to attract global tech giants. Paraguay, say local business leaders and officials like Cibils, has everything going for it: an abundance of cheap green energy from the Itaipu Dam on the Paraná River with its enormous hydroelectric power station, a young and educated population and low taxes.

Venezuela Earthquake Death Toll Rises to 1,700

Venezuela Earthquake Death Toll Surpasses 1,700 As Frustration Grows Over Response VENEZUELA Venezuela Rescuers continued hunting for survivors near Caracas as the death toll from Venezuela’s twin earthquakes rose to more than 1,700 Monday amid growing frustration and anger over what Venezuelans called an inadequate government response. National Assembly President Jorge Rodriguez announced the death toll Monday, adding that around 5,030 people were injured and more than 15,800 were displaced. Around 800 buildings had collapsed. Around 30,000 Venezuelan rescue workers and 2,700 foreign ones continued to search the rubble of buildings following the back-to-back earthquakes with a magnitude of 7.2 and 7.5 respectively that struck near the coastal city of La Guaira, close to Caracas, on Wednesday. According to the United Nations humanitarian affairs agency, 44 international urban search-and-rescue teams, comprising 2,245 specialists and 140 search dogs, have been deployed to Venezuela. More teams arrived Monday. However, up to 68,000 people remain missing, and the critical 72-hour window for rescuing survivors trapped beneath collapsed buildings expired late Saturday. Acting President Delcy Rodríguez stressed that rescue operations “are not being suspended” after authorities found 33 survivors over the weekend. She added that electricity, water and road access had been largely restored in La Guaira. Despite government claims that around 14,000 security personnel have been deployed, many Venezuelans criticized the response as disorganized or insufficient. In one instance, civilians blocked an excavator from leaving the site of a collapsed building after state workers took selfies with it and left without offering any help. The disaster comes as Venezuela continues to grapple with years of economic hardship that have driven nearly nine million people to flee abroad following the collapse of the oil industry and rising poverty. Observers said the crisis represents a major test for Rodríguez, who assumed office after former President Nicolás Maduro was captured in a US military raid earlier this year. Rodríguez has pledged to pursue change and has worked closely with the Trump administration.

Peru: Keiko Wins!!!!

Fujimori Wins Peru’s Runoff by Razor-Thin Margin, as Rival Cries Foul PERU Peru Right-wing candidate Keiko Fujimori won Peru’s presidential runoff after building a narrow but apparently insurmountable lead over leftist rival Roberto Sánchez as vote counting entered its final stages Tuesday. With 99.86 percent of ballots tallied, Fujimori held 50.12 percent of the vote, leading Sánchez by just over 43,000 votes, according to electoral officials. Before declaring a winner, authorities must still process 131 tally sheets representing around 39,000 votes. Officials expect to announce final results by mid-July. The overseas vote, which largely favored Fujimori and was driven by strong support from Peruvians in the United States and Japan, helped widen her lead. Sánchez has focused his criticism on the handling of roughly 300,000 ballots cast abroad, alleging administrative irregularities by electoral authorities. Despite the latest figures, Sánchez said he would not recognize a government headed by Fujimori, claiming a “serious violation of the electoral process.” He called for protests over the weekend and urged Peru’s electoral court to “declare as null the June 7 elections held at consular offices for Peruvians abroad.” Fujimori dismissed the allegations, describing Sánchez’s comments as a “desperate political act.” The runoff comes after years of political instability in Peru, which has had nine presidents in the past decade. Fujimori also finished first in April’s first-round vote, although that election was marked by disruptions that triggered allegations of fraud and an investigation. Observers said a Fujimori victory would further extend Latin America’s shift to the right following the narrow presidential election victory of populist Abelardo de la Espriella in Colombia earlier this week. However, analysts cautioned that the tight margin and ongoing fraud allegations highlight Peru’s deep political divisions. While many Peruvians hope the election will help end years of political turmoil, the disputed result suggests tensions are likely to persist even after a winner is formally declared.

Argentina vs Austria-World Cup Action At Its Best In Dallas!

We are back at home safely. This trip was an education for me. Argentina has the most devoted and ardent soccer fans in the world. A couple of centuries ago, Charles Dickens wrote a classic book, "A Tale of Two Cities." I am going to briefly give you a tale of two cities this morning: Dallas, Texas, and Arlington, Texas. Sunday morning, Elena and I found ourselves in downtown Dallas around ten in the morning. Even at that early hour, Argentina fans were starting to congregate in the principal downtown park, which is like a long walking trail. A huge flat screen television was already showing soccer games. When the Dallas Museum of Art opened at 11:00, Elena and I toured the museum. It was impressive. It was amazing to see the museum full of people wearing Argentina soccer shirts. The sports fan also appreciated culture. After the museum tour, Elena and I emerged onto the street. Hundreds or perhaps thousands of Argentina fans were now on the streets. All sorts of food trucks and souvenir vendors were seen. Some fans from Spain and Austria were also spotted. Things were peaceful and mellow. We went to lunch at an excellent Tex-Mex restaurant. The restaurant was full of upper-middle-class and wealthy Argentine fans. These were the people with actual tickets to the game coming on Monday. What was amazing was that many Argentine fans of humble means found the way to travel to Dallas. They did have tickets to the game. They would watch the game on the big screen television in the downtown park. What a beautiful moment full of love. Law enforcement stayed discreetly in the background. They let the party go on. It reached its height at five in the afternoon. So many people came that the major Dallas freeways were clogged as if it were rush hour traffic. The next day, Elena and I boarded a trolley at nine in the morning that took us to the stadium where the game between Argentina and Austria was to be played. The crowd at the stadium was counted at 70,649. There was a massive law enforcement presence from the Arlington Police Department, with officers in full battle dress and often riding around in ATVs and other military vehicles. A helicopter prowled overhead. I am sure there was a large contingent of law enforcement and intelligence officers in plain clothes. The stadium was an engineering marvel. It was covered on the top with a highly efficient air conditioning system. Elena and I rode escalators up five levels to find our modest seats. We had a pleasant surprise. The seats assigned to us were comfortable. We had a marvelous view of the field below. Argentina perfomed brilliant in the second half. They scored two goals and won. Lionel Messi set a FIFA record for the most goals scored. What a beautiful and unforgettable time.

Brasil: Top Court Convicts Eduardo Bolsonaro Over Efforts To Influence Father's Coup Trial

Brazil’s Top Court Convicts Eduardo Bolsonaro Over Effort to Influence Father’s Coup Trial BRAZIL Brazil Brazil’s Supreme Court on Tuesday sentenced Eduardo Bolsonaro, the son of former President Jair Bolsonaro, to four years and two months in prison for lobbying the United States to intervene in his father’s coup trial, deepening the legal troubles facing one of the country’s most influential political families. A panel of Supreme Court justices found that Eduardo Bolsonaro had attempted to pressure Brazilian authorities by seeking US sanctions if proceedings against his father did not end favorably. The court also barred him from holding public office for eight years, a decision he may appeal. Eduardo Bolsonaro – the ex-president’s third son – lives in the United States and has been one of the most vocal defenders of his father. Prosecutors had accused him of seeking support from US President Donald Trump and using foreign pressure to influence the case. Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes said it was not the role of a Brazilian lawmaker “to lobby abroad against their own country,” while Justice Cristiano Zanin called Eduardo Bolsonaro’s actions “illegitimate and criminal.” Eduardo Bolsonaro said the case was intended to remove him from running in the upper house elections later this year, when he had planned to run as a substitute Senate candidate. He previously served as a lawmaker in the lower house of Congress but was stripped of his seat in December because of excessive absences. Jair Bolsonaro, the former conservative leader, was found guilty in September for plotting a coup against his leftist rival President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva after losing the 2022 elections. He is now serving a 27-year prison sentence. Bolsonaro’s conviction follows a period of tensions between Brasília and Washington: Last year, Trump – an ally of the Bolsonaro family – imposed tariffs on Brazilian products and sanctioned de Moraes as punishment for what he called a “witch hunt” against Bolsonaro. Those measures were later lifted following an official meeting between Trump and Lula. The ruling comes as Brazil prepares for presidential elections in October. Polls suggest Lula and Senator Flávio Bolsonaro, Jair Bolsonaro’s eldest son, could face a tight race.

Peru: Fujimori Poised To Win By A Razon Thin Majority

Fujimori Poised to Win by Razor-Thin Margin as Rival Contests Results PERU Peru Keiko Fujimori appeared poised to win Peru’s presidential runoff by an extremely narrow margin, although her leftist rival Roberto Sánchez is contesting the result and claiming victory. With more than 98 percent of votes counted from the June 7 election, the right-wing contender overtook Sánchez with a little more than 50 percent of the vote, a lead of only a few hundred ballots out of nearly 20 million cast. Sánchez has not conceded defeat, and some of his allies have alleged fraud without providing evidence. Sánchez said he would defend his “popular victory.” The outcome remains unresolved as electoral authorities are reviewing requests from both campaigns to invalidate thousands of votes over alleged irregularities. As many as 400,000 ballots have been flagged for issues ranging from illegible handwriting and missing signatures to stains. Most of the disputed votes come from Lima, neighboring Callao and overseas voting districts, where Fujimori has received more than 60 percent support. Election officials expect to announce the final results by mid-July. International observers have dismissed allegations of electoral irregularities. The prospect of a Fujimori victory has generated both celebration and concern among Peruvians because of memories of her father, Alberto Fujimori, who governed from 1990 to 2000. His administration was credited with combating a Maoist insurgency and tackling hyperinflation, but it ultimately collapsed amid corruption and human-rights scandals. Allies say Keiko Fujimori shares her father’s law-and-order approach and support for free-market policies but rejects his authoritarian tendencies. She has pledged to respect Peru’s one-term presidential limit. Critics, however, blame her for contributing to years of political instability while serving as an opposition leader. Peru has had nine presidents in the past decade, and Fujimori would become the country’s 10th if the result is confirmed. Even so, analysts cautioned that she would inherit a country facing years of political turmoil and could encounter strong resistance from the opposition.

Peru's Presidential Runoff Too Close To Call

Peru’s Presidential Runoff Remains Too Close to Call PERU Peru Peru’s presidential runoff remained too close to call Tuesday, with leftist candidate Roberto Sánchez holding a razor-thin lead over conservative rival Keiko Fujimori as officials continued counting ballots and awaited votes from Peruvians living abroad. With roughly 95 percent of tally sheets processed, Sánchez had about 50.1 percent of the vote compared with 49.9 percent for Fujimori, a margin of around 30,000 to 40,000 votes depending on the stage of the count. The outcome remains uncertain because most overseas ballots have yet to be counted. More than one million Peruvians were eligible to vote abroad and expatriate voters have historically favored right-wing candidates. Analysts, investors and pollsters said the foreign vote could ultimately decide the election and potentially overturn Sánchez’s narrow lead. One analyst noted that the votes still outstanding are “mostly in Keiko’s favor.” Only a small share of overseas ballots had been counted as of Monday, while thousands of tally sheets from remote regions and foreign polling stations were still being processed. Fujimori, seeking the presidency for a fourth time after losing runoff elections in 2011, 2016 and 2021, urged patience and said “every tally sheet” would be important. She also pledged to respect the final result. The election authority has warned that officially declaring a winner could take weeks because of legal challenges and Peru’s vote-counting procedures. The race has highlighted Peru’s deep political divisions. Sánchez, of the Juntos por el Perú alliance, is an ally of jailed former president Pedro Castillo and has pledged to pardon him if elected. Fujimori is the daughter of former president Alberto Fujimori, who was convicted of crimes against humanity and corruption. The uncertainty has already generated political and market reactions. Colombian President Gustavo Petro prematurely celebrated a Sánchez victory, while financial markets appeared to be pricing in a possible Fujimori comeback once overseas votes are counted. The winner will take office on July 28 and inherit a country struggling with insecurity and political instability. Peru has had nine presidents in the past decade.

Venezuela: Nearly Six Months After Maduro's Ouster, It's All About Oil

Nearly Six Months After Maduro’s Ouster, It’s All About Oil VENEZUELA Venezuela The coastal city of Cumaná in eastern Venezuela once pumped out Toyota Land Cruisers and metal cans for the tuna and sardines that local fishermen caught. Today, after years of socialist rule that started with Hugo Chávez in 1999, the former economic powerhouse is a shadow of its former self. “Drinking water in Cumaná is running extremely low,” wrote the New York Times. “Daily blackouts plague the city. Wind howls through the looted remains of its once illustrious university. Scavengers sift through garbage dumps for scraps of food.” The decay in Cumaná captures the crisis now confronting Venezuela’s leader, acting President Delcy Rodríguez. Maduro’s former vice president was installed after US forces seized Maduro and his wife in January. Now, her central challenge is whether she can revive the economy by courting the US and foreign oil companies without losing the Chavista base that brought her movement to power. That is an awkward turn for Rodríguez, once a dyed-in-the-wool socialist whose movement spent years denouncing Washington. That balancing act is already testing the new government. “Rodríguez confronts an unprecedented challenge for a Venezuelan leader: She must satisfy Washington’s demands while maintaining sufficient Chavista coalition support to prevent an internal fracture or a military coup,” wrote the Atlantic Council. “Rodríguez making such an agreement with Trump would alienate the regime’s hardliners, who would view her accommodation as a betrayal. Thus, Rodríguez may be unable to guarantee the stability required for the business operations Trump wants to run in Venezuela.” Those tensions are now openly splitting the movement. Observers say that longtime loyalists are currently openly and loudly disagreeing with the Rodríguez administration and even discussing publicly rumors that an insider betrayed the government and helped the US depose Maduro, the Associated Press wrote: “They are criticizing her overtures to the US and her efforts to attract foreign investment, saying she is betraying the socialist principles and anti-imperialist rhetoric that defined Chavismo for more than two decades.” For Chavistas who supported alliances with China, Russia and Iran as a counterweight to Washington, Rodríguez’s cooperation with the US looks like a sharp break from the movement’s anti-US posture. And her decision to send former officials to the US to face prosecution and approve American military exercises in Venezuela has made that shift even harder for Chavista loyalists to accept. But Rodríguez might be wise not to fight the tides, analysts say. In the wake of the US actions in Venezuela and a spike in energy prices worldwide due to the wars in Ukraine and the Persian Gulf, oil companies are taking another look at Venezuela’s oil riches. Washington has also eased sanctions on Venezuela’s energy sector, allowing major oil companies to resume operations and other firms to negotiate new energy contracts. The move followed changes to Venezuela’s oil law giving foreign producers more autonomy, though dealings with Russian, Iranian or Chinese entities remain barred. Companies could spend billions investing in the country’s infrastructure, a windfall that could turn the Venezuelan economy around. While ConocoPhillips CEO Ryan Lance told Bloomberg News that Venezuela still has “a long way to go” before its state-heavy economy can attract major investment, ExxonMobil CEO Darren Woods has softened his bleak view of Venezuela as a place for investors. “I feel positive about what’s happening, the opportunity there,” he told investors last month, according to Quartz. “(There is) more work to do, but I think we’ll be uniquely positioned and play an important role in bringing those barrels to market.” Energy giants like ExxonMobil are now negotiating with Rodríguez’s government to return, but they are concerned about a revival of anti-corporate policies, such as when Chávez nationalized parts of the Venezuelan oil industry in 2007. The Venezuelan people, meanwhile, are waiting to see what happens. Life is still a struggle for most people who are grappling with inflation rates as high as 618 percent. Many are also wondering about when elections will be held. Regime officials, analysts say, prefer to work on the economy first, believing that if the situation improves, they might have a chance in elections. Still, they fear prosecution by the opposition should it win, making elections an unappealing prospect. Meanwhile, since the Maduro ouster, Rodríguez has ousted some officials and replaced them with technocrats, but most of her administration is still made up of Maduro insiders. She has released about 700 political prisoners. Almost 500, however, remain in jail. Still, the regime is tolerating protests for the first time: Hundreds of demonstrations have been held since January. A recent poll showed that while 58 percent said life had not improved over the past six months, 85 percent expected things to get better within a year. “Clearly, Venezuelans have experienced what today would be called a ‘vibe shift,’” World Politics Review wrote. “But much of the reality on the ground is remarkably unchanged, considering that the US mounted what was essentially a successful regime-decapitation operation.”

Peru's Election Runoff Offers Voters A Bad Choice

Peru’s Election Runoff Offers Voters a Choice Between a Rock and a Hard Place PERU Peru Peru’s June 7 presidential runoff has become a race pitting one candidate under legal threat and another shadowed by an authoritarian family legacy. Voters are deeply wary of both. Left-wing congressman Roberto Sánchez was confirmed for the runoff vote even as prosecutors were already seeking to disqualify him from the race and imprison him for campaign finance irregularities. His opponent, conservative Keiko Fujimori, is making her fourth presidential run on a law-and-order platform while trying to escape the shadow of Fujimorismo, the movement built around the authoritarian rule of her father Alberto Fujimori in the 1990s. The case against Sánchez has increased turmoil in a race already testing Peru’s fragile democracy. But his legal troubles are only part of the problem. Neither candidate came close to winning broad support in the tumultuous first round, when more than 70 percent of voters chose someone else. Peru’s first round was marred by logistical failures, delayed results and allegations of fraud. “Both candidates face strong rejection from parts of the population,” Le Monde wrote. “Sánchez will likely be portrayed, as (former President Pedro) Castillo was, as a ‘communist’ hostile to investors. Fujimori, on the other hand, reassures the business community. But anti-Fujimorism remains even stronger, especially among those who suffered human rights abuses during her father’s presidency.” Fujimori won 17.19 percent of the vote, while Sánchez took 12.03 percent. Because voting is mandatory, both finalists must compete for supporters of defeated candidates and reluctant voters. A recent Ipsos poll found that 26 percent of respondents said they would not vote for either candidate or would cast a blank ballot. Many voters are not just weighing candidates from the left against the right, but two political groupings rooted in fights over who gets to wield power and how far they can go to keep it. “Both candidates (have) a political legacy marked by ‘coup traditions,’” Alberto Vergara, a professor at the University of the Pacific, told Peruvian news outlet Ojo Público. “Everyone is democratic as long as election results do not endanger their position.” Meanwhile, a judge began evaluating on May 27 whether Sánchez must stand trial, but the hearing was continued to June 4. It is unclear whether such a ruling would automatically remove him from the runoff. Sánchez is accused of falsifying information about campaign contributions, diverting them into his personal accounts and making false statements in financial reports tied to party contributions and filings from 2018 to 2021. Prosecutors are asking for a five-year sentence and permanent disqualification from running in any presidential race. He denies wrongdoing. If Sánchez remains in the race, his electoral strength lies in the anti-establishment anger that powered Castillo’s rise. He served as trade minister under Castillo, the leftist president impeached and arrested in 2022 after trying to dissolve Congress and rule by decree. Many Castillo supporters saw his impeachment and the deadly crackdown on the protests that followed as proof that the Peruvian ruling class would not respect poorer and rural Peruvians. Fujimori, meanwhile, can cast Sánchez as a risky choice in a country already exhausted by instability. Supporters see her as a candidate of order in a country frightened by a startling rise in crime. But her party’s clout in Congress is also a liability. Critics say Fujimorismo has used Congress to fuel impeachment fights and weaken checks and balances, helping trap Peru in a cycle of unstable presidencies – Peru is about to elect its ninth president in a decade after years of presidents resigning, being ousted or serving only interim terms. Analysts told El País the runoff is another election driven less by hope than by fear of the alternative. “Unfortunately, the vote has been so divided that we will once again end up with two candidates for whom the vast majority of Peruvians would not vote,” said Julio F. Carrión, a professor at the University of Delaware. Some analysts say there is a chance the election may set Peru on a new path regardless of the turmoil in the election itself. “This election may help end the chronic political instability,” Americas Quarterly wrote. “What is less clear is whether it will improve public policy in a country where this has become the preserve of special interests, some of them illegal.”

Colombians Go To The Pools As Terror Rises

Colombians Go to the Polls as Terror Rises COLOMBIA Colombia Two weeks before Colombian voters were scheduled to go to the polls to elect a new president, gunmen on motorcycles killed two campaign staffers who worked for right-wing candidate Abelardo de la Espriella. The murders took place in southeastern Colombia, where rebel movements and cocaine trafficking are widespread. According to Al Jazeera, de la Espriella extolled his workers on social media, writing they “walked the streets defending democracy, freedom, and the hope of millions of Colombians. Their only crime was believing in the Fatherland and not kneeling before the violent.” The shootings were only the latest example of the bloodshed that has sharply escalated in the South American country as voters prepare to replace Gustavo Petro, the country’s first leftist president, in elections on May 31. In late April, a spate of attacks against civilians and military installations took place, including at least 26 explosive and drone attacks and a bombing on the highway between Cali and Popayán that killed at least 20 people. That’s because rebels and criminal gangs are turning to violence to improve their negotiating positions with the next leader of the country, the Latin Times wrote. “The recent murders echo a long history of political assassinations in Colombia, but they come at a particularly fragile moment, when President Gustavo Petro’s ‘Total Peace’ policy is under pressure, and multiple armed groups are jockeying for leverage in negotiations and territory,” it said. “These attacks, involving dissident (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) rebel factions) and criminal organizations, are raising fears that public security and crime will dominate Colombia’s coming presidential campaign and could suppress participation in areas already scarred by conflict.” American officials claim the violence has also escalated because Petro has taken a radically soft approach to drug cartels that have long financed leftist rebels fighting against the government. Colombian voters, however, don’t seem to care. Left-wing Senator Ivan Cepeda, a Petro ally, is the frontrunner in the presidential race. A human rights advocate who, like Petro, wants to negotiate with the rebels, Cepeda’s father was a Communist Party politician who was killed by right-wing paramilitaries in 1994. Landowners and other Colombian elites commonly financed those paramilitaries to defend their property and interests from rebels. Other leading candidates include de la Espriella, a lawyer who draws inspiration from libertarian Javier Milei, the president of Argentina. In the center-right is Paloma Valencia, an ally of former Colombian President Álvaro Uribe, who served from 2002 to 2010, wrote the Americas Society/Council of the Americas. With American military and financial assistance, Uribe launched a massive attack against rebels in the country’s interior. He also sought to dismantle the right-wing paramilitaries and triggered scandals involving civilian deaths. He was sentenced to 12 years of house arrest on bribery and witness-tampering convictions that an appeals court overturned last year. The presidential election takes place in two rounds, so de la Espriella and Valencia have been attacking each other in an effort to garner sufficient votes to face off against Cepeda in a runoff. Whoever prevails could benefit from regional trends that have tilted the region rightward over the past few years. In the past year alone, voters in Bolivia, Chile, Costa Rica, and Honduras have elected conservative presidents. Meanwhile, analysts worry that the violence will hinder the elections. Over the past year, FARC dissidents have regularly staged attacks against the central government despite the peace deal that led most of their comrades in arms to stop fighting. At least 61 political leaders have been killed, including leading presidential candidate Miguel Uribe Turbay, who was assassinated by a 15-year-old boy last year, shocking the country. All the presidential candidates have received threats. Analysts say that some citizens are now avoiding political rallies and campaign events. Large areas of the countryside have in effect become no-go zones for politicians, where campaigning without permission from armed groups can be extremely dangerous. “They’re seeking to limit the degree to which people participate in the electoral process,” Francisco Daza, a coordinator of the Colombian Peace and Reconciliation Foundation, told the Guardian. “Murder and kidnapping serve as a warning.”

Argentina: Why Peter Thiel Is Decamping To The End Of The World

Why Peter Thiel Is Decamping to the End of the World The billionaire’s new roots in Argentina are said to be partly motivated by concerns about the future of the United States and shared beliefs with Argentina’s right-wing leader. Listen · 10:38 min Share full article 247 A person in a dark suit and blue tie stands next to another person in a dark suit stepping up white stairs. A reddish-brown building is in the background. Peter Thiel, right, arriving for a meeting with President Javier Milei at the Casa Rosada Presidential Palace in Buenos Aires in April.Credit...Matias Baglietto/Reuters Emma BubolaRyan Mac By Emma Bubola and Ryan Mac Emma Bubola reported from Buenos Aires, and Ryan Mac from Los Angeles. May 28, 2026 Updated 8:22 a.m. ET Leer en español See more of our coverage in your search results. Add The New York Times on Google The Saturday tournament at the Buenos Aires chess club hosted its usual lineup of players, including an accountant, a college student and schoolchildren. But this time, hunched over the club’s tiny wooden tables with them, was a new entrant: Peter Thiel, the right-wing tech billionaire and Trump donor. Mr. Thiel — who, according to one of the participants, “did not play badly” and came in third — had recently decamped from his homes in Los Angeles and Miami to establish a foothold thousands of miles away in Argentina’s capital. Over the past two months, Mr. Thiel has met with the country’s president, Javier Milei, and his ministers; purchased a mansion in one of Buenos Aires’ most exclusive neighborhoods; and hosted a dinner with local economists where he discussed the Antichrist, one of his favorite conversation topics, according to Argentine officials and people familiar with Mr. Thiel’s activities. Mr. Thiel, who has a history of collecting backup countries as he hedges his bets against the United States, is considering making Argentina another Plan B, according to two people familiar with his thinking. Born in Germany and raised in the United States, he received citizenship in New Zealand in 2011, and applied for a passport in Malta in 2022. Advertisement SKIP ADVERTISEMENT His new roots in Argentina are partly motivated by his concerns about the direction of the United States, the people familiar with his thinking say, particularly California, where an initiative on November’s ballot could lead to a significant tax on billionaires. Argentina, a nation relatively insulated from potential conflicts in the Northern Hemisphere, also fits as a potential escape hatch from other risks that Mr. Thiel has publicly warned about — nuclear war and runaway artificial intelligence. But Mr. Thiel has also been energized by what he’s discovered in Argentina, finding harmony with Mr. Milei’s libertarian slash-and-burn governance and becoming enamored with Buenos Aires’ vibrancy, the people said. They, and others familiar with the billionaire’s activities and discussions about the country, spoke on condition of anonymity to share private conversations. Mr. Thiel did not respond to a request for comment. Underscoring his belief in the country, Mr. Thiel, 58, has temporarily relocated his family to Argentina and enrolled his children in a local school, two of the people said. The Argentine government has also explored offering the billionaire permanent residence or even citizenship, a person familiar with Mr. Thiel’s plans said, though it’s currently unclear whether he would accept. A spokesman for Mr. Milei denied such an offer had been considered. The Argentine government is currently working to establish a “golden passport” program that would allow people who make large investments in the country to obtain citizenship. Editors’ Picks You Barely Need a Recipe for This Weeknight Dinner. That’s What Makes It Timeless. Did You Know a Total Solar Eclipse Is Coming? Here’s How to See It. A Tiny Los Angeles Kitchen Is Making Three-Star Magic with Masa SKIP ADVERTISEMENT Advertisement SKIP ADVERTISEMENT “All billionaires of the world who want to flee countries increasingly regulated, with higher taxes and governments that persecute their citizens, are welcome in the Argentine republic, the new land of freedom,” Manuel Adorni, Mr. Milei’s cabinet chief, said last month before congress, answering a question about Mr. Thiel. Mr. Thiel, he added, was “interested in the deep reforms that we are bringing forward.” An ideological ally Argentina may be an unlikely place for a billionaire looking for stability. The country has careened through nearly a century of instability, marred by military coups and spectacular financial collapses epitomized by triple-digit inflation. But in Mr. Milei, Mr. Thiel has an ideological ally. The two men share an aversion for taxes, socialism and “wokeness” — a negative label critics use to describe progressive politics. Since becoming president in 2023, Mr. Milei has sought to overhaul Argentina’s economy, pushing sweeping deregulation and government spending cuts. He has sought to attract foreign investment in the country’s natural resources, including oil, lithium and rare earth minerals. Image Mr. Milei in a black suit and blue tie smiles and waves. A crowd of blurred hands holding cellphones are prominent in the foreground. President Javier Milei of Argentina in Buenos Aires on Monday. A top aide said billionaires, like Mr. Thiel, are welcome in Argentina.Credit...Natacha Pisarenko/Associated Press Mr. Thiel and Mr. Milei first met in person in 2024 in a meeting brokered by Alec Oxenford, a former tech entrepreneur who is now Argentina’s ambassador to the United States, according to a person familiar with the meeting who requested anonymity to share private details publicly. Advertisement SKIP ADVERTISEMENT Mr. Oxenford, whose online marketplace company, OLX, received funding from Mr. Thiel’s venture capital firm more than 15 years ago, had been encouraging the then-new Argentine president to meet with influential American business people. Mr. Thiel, who has vehemently opposed taxes in the United States, grew more interested in Argentina after California political groups began discussing a voter initiative that would apply a 5 percent tax on the assets of the state’s billionaires. By the end of last year, Mr. Thiel was considering cutting ties with the Golden State, and started exploring living outside California. Mr. Thiel first started seriously considering Argentina as a place to live, at least temporarily, about a year ago and began looking at Buenos Aires real estate, the two people familiar with his thinking said. They said he also hired a local art dealer to furnish his home. Image A dense cityscape under an orange sky at sunset. A prominent white obelisk rises from a street bustling with vehicles and bright advertisements. Downtown Buenos Aires in 2023.Credit...Sarah Pabst for The New York Times Advertisement SKIP ADVERTISEMENT Since arriving in Buenos Aires in April, Mr. Thiel and his husband, Matt Danzeisen, have dined at the home of Argentina’s deregulation minister, Federico Sturzenegger, a person familiar with the dinner said. Mr. Thiel met separately with the economy minister, Luis Caputo. The billionaire and an associate from his venture capital firm, Founders Fund, also spent time with Mr. Milei last month at the presidential house. In an interview with a streaming channel following that meeting, Mr. Milei said that the meeting was one of two like-minded individuals and that Mr. Thiel asked how he would ensure that libertarianism endures in Argentina beyond his presidency. “It was an anarcho-capitalist who met another anarcho-capitalist who is bringing things to life,” Mr. Milei said. A backup country Mr. Thiel’s interest in Argentina is not solely because of his alignment with Mr. Milei’s policies. Mr. Thiel also appears to be enjoying Argentine life. He attended Argentina’s most storied soccer game — between Buenos Aires rivals River Plate and Boca Juniors — and traveled to Bariloche, a lakeside mountain resort in Patagonia. Last month at a candlelit dinner at Mr. Thiel’s Buenos Aires mansion, influential economists and Argentine intellectuals gathered with the billionaire to discuss the country’s history and economy, before the conversation turned to the Antichrist, according to three people familiar with the gathering. Advertisement SKIP ADVERTISEMENT Some in attendance were unsure of what to make of their host’s apocalyptic musings, on an entity which he has warned in lectures could establish a totalitarian world government, but they listened intently. The chess tournament this month in the Buenos Aires neighborhood of Almagro was a more upbeat affair. Mr. Thiel, who was the highest-rated player in the competition, posed for photos while wearing his third-place medal and stayed to play chess with a child, said Rafael Jabie, a therapist, who finished second. Mr. Milei and his supporters have been quick to embrace the billionaire as one of their own. “He is already more Argentine” than left-wingers, Juan Pablo Carreira, who runs the Argentine presidency’s digital communications, wrote on X, using an offensive term for his political opponents. Image A packed stadium crowd, many people wearing red and white. They hold red and white umbrellas with the number 14 and have open mouths. Fans chanting at a soccer match between Buenos Aires rivals River Plate and Boca Juniors last month.Credit...Sarah Pabst for The New York Times Daniel Parisini, a right-wing pundit close to Mr. Milei, posted an A.I.-generated picture of Mr. Thiel sitting in front of a parrilla, the quintessential Argentine barbecue, while others online created images of Mr. Thiel eating milanesa, a traditional breaded meat cutlet, inside an Argentine home. Advertisement SKIP ADVERTISEMENT In a polarized nation, rapidly changing under Mr. Milei, Mr. Thiel’s presence has been viewed starkly differently across the political spectrum. Government supporters see the venture capitalist’s presence as proof that Mr. Milei is successfully turning Argentina into a haven for foreign investors. Mr. Milei’s critics, however, see it as another example of the country being sold out to unbridled capitalism. “What Peter Thiel is doing is terrible,” Elisa Lilita Carrió, an Argentine politician, wrote on X, mentioning Palantir, the big-data firm he co-founded and now chairs. “His settling in Argentina is even worse,” she added. Others have spread theories that he was coming to meddle in next year’s presidential elections, build large data centers or seize Argentine’s personal data with Palantir, which has deep relationships with the U.S. government. Mr. Thiel’s only known investment so far has been in personal real estate. Aside from the Buenos Aires home, across the street from a house owned by one of Argentina’s most famous actresses, Mr. Thiel has also bought a plot of land in neighboring Uruguay, a person familiar with the purchase said. Image Mr. Thiel, seen here in Buenos Aires, has also bought property in neighboring Uruguay.Credit...Matias Baglietto/Reuters Advertisement SKIP ADVERTISEMENT The Uruguayan property, on sprawling grasslands studded with ranches, is near Punta del Este, a glamorous tourist destination on the Atlantic Ocean that people call the Hamptons of South America. Some observers have speculated that it could include a bunker to shelter from nuclear apocalypse. He would not be the first member of the global elite to think about the southern cone as a place to shelter from nuclear Armageddon. Martin Varsavsky, a Spanish-Argentine tech entrepreneur close to Mr. Thiel, has built a ranch in the Argentine city of Mendoza, which he has said he sees as a potential shelter in case of World War III. Mr. Varsavsky has hypothesized that Argentina would be completely unaffected if the northern hemisphere were wiped out by nuclear war. “The moment China takes Taiwan or Russia takes Lithuania, I’m in Buenos Aires,” he said. “It’s good to have a Plan B for civilization.” Lucía Cholakian Herrera contributed reporting. Emma Bubola is a Times reporter covering Argentina. She is based in Buenos Aires. Ryan Mac is a Times reporter who covers corporate accountability across the global technology industry. See more on: Founders Fund, Donald Trump

Bolivian Protestors Attack Minister's Convoy

Bolivian Protesters Attack Minister’s Convoy as Unrest Intensifies BOLIVIA Bolivia Anti-government protesters attacked the convoy of Bolivia’s public works minister over the weekend as mass demonstrations demanding the resignation of center-right President Rodrigo Paz intensified amid nationwide blockades and unrest. The incident occurred Saturday while Public Works Minister Mauricio Zamora was overseeing an operation to clear highway roadblocks set up by demonstrators seeking to slow the movement of goods into the administrative capital, La Paz, and the nearby city of El Alto. Officials said the operation aimed to establish “humanitarian corridors,” but protesters responded with fierce resistance, reportedly attacking the convoy with stones and dynamite. Zamora’s vehicle became separated from the group during the clashes, although authorities later said he was found safe afterward. The unrest comes roughly six months after Paz took office promising to resolve Bolivia’s worst economic crisis in decades. His administration’s policies, including a shift toward the United States and the removal of long-standing fuel subsidies, have sparked public anger and demands for his resignation. The protests have included repeated clashes between demonstrators and police, while trade unions and supporters of former leftist President Evo Morales have organized widespread roadblocks across the country. Officials said blockades were active at 59 locations across six of Bolivia’s nine administrative regions. The disruptions have severely affected transportation and the delivery of goods into major cities, prompting regional and US aid efforts. Meanwhile, authorities said that at least 120 people have been detained since the protests began nearly three weeks ago. Paz said his government remained open to dialogue with protesters but warned there were limits to negotiations and that he could invoke constitutional measures, including a state of emergency, if necessary. Morales has called on Paz to resign and demanded new elections within 90 days “to calm the country.” Paz’s administration has accused Morales and his supporters of fueling the unrest.

Gunmen KIll Two Campaign Workers Before Colombia's Presidential Election

Gunmen Kill Two Campaign Workers Before Colombia’s Presidential Vote COLOMBIA Colombia Two campaign workers for right-wing presidential candidate Abelardo de La Espriella were killed in southeastern Colombia over the weekend, intensifying concerns about political violence less than two weeks before the country’s election. De La Espriella said four gunmen on motorcycles shot the victims in a rural area of Cubarral, in Meta Department. His Defenders of the Homeland party identified the men as Rogers Mauricio Devia Escoba, a former mayor of Cubarral and local campaign coordinator, and logistics assistant Eder Fabian Cardona Lopez. Authorities have not blamed any armed group for the attack, but de La Espriella accused a dissident faction of the former Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) rebels. Violence and rising crime have become central issues in the race to replace President Gustavo Petro, Colombia’s leftist leader. The ombudsman also reported another attack against a former mayoral candidate in the area and warned that the violence could affect the election. Leftist Sen. Iván Cepeda leads the polls with between 37 and 40 percent support and has pledged to continue Petro’s policy of negotiated solutions to the armed conflict. De La Espriella, who is polling in second place with more than 20 percent, has promised a hard line against guerrillas, criminal gangs and drug trafficking. If no candidate wins more than 50 percent of the vote on May 31, a runoff will be held on June 21.

As Uruguay Fights Crime, It Battles To Retain Its "Democratic Soul"

As Uruguay Fights Crime, It Battles to Retain Its ‘Democratic Soul’ URUGUAY Uruguay For years, Uruguay stood out in the region for failing to make headlines. Its voters chose center “safe” politics. Crime remained low. The economy was stable. Moderation was a key value. More recently, however, things have begun to take a turn, particularly regarding security, as increased drug trafficking, organized crime and economic jitters have compelled many Uruguayans to call for more drastic action. Crime in Uruguay remains relatively low for Latin America but left-wing Uruguayan President Yamandú Orsi has been responding to the situation by channeling right-wing populist Nayib Bukele, president of El Salvador, who has imprisoned tens of thousands of alleged drug lords, gang leaders, thieves and murderers in a bid to clean up his nation. But in moderate, cautious Uruguay, where many remember the cruelty of the authoritarian government that ran the country from 1973 to 1985, that is a problem, analysts say. They add that the challenge for Orsi, unlike Bukele, is to secure the country while upholding civil liberties and protecting Uruguay’s “proud left-wing democracy.” “The question is whether those answers will help tear down democracy or build up the rule of law,” wrote Benjamin N. Gedan, deputy director of the Wilson Center’s Latin American program, in Foreign Policy. Uruguay’s institutions may offer some protection, he added: “… the failure, so far, of ‘Bukelismo’ to take hold in Uruguay is also a vote of confidence in the capacity of the country’s democratic institutions to step up to the challenge of organized crime.” That is the institutional test. The political pressure is more immediate. A recent poll showed crime dominating public concern, with 49 percent of Uruguayans calling it the country’s top problem, far ahead of unemployment at 29 percent. Although still below the 64 percent peak recorded in August 2024, that figure has risen lately, while voters have grown less satisfied with the government’s response. Orsi’s popularity has dropped from 41 percent to 36 percent since he assumed office a year ago. Orsi has tried to show he is responding. He has proposed creating a Ministry of Justice and Human Rights, reforming the criminal code to strengthen security, hiring more police and prison guards, and installing 20,000 surveillance devices to help catch criminals, wrote MercoPress. The government says that crime declined in 2025, including a slight decrease in homicides – 369 for the year compared to 382 in 2024. Progress was less clear on the economy, however. Wages rose by less than 2 percent in 2025 compared to 2024, employment remained level but didn’t necessarily count recent large-scale business restructurings, and poverty remained level at around 18 percent. Fuel prices are also increasing due to market instability stemming from the US-Israeli war against Iran and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz. As he has struggled domestically, Orsi’s international policy has remained distinctly left-wing. His political coalition, Frente Amplio, recently condemned US President Donald Trump’s aggressive stance toward Cuba, for example. The country is also seeking to reduce the amount of debt it holds in US dollars. Instead, Orsi is seeking to issue debt in the country’s peso while trying to boost beef, soybean and other exports to China and other big buyers. Orsi signed a series of economic agreements with China last year. Orsi’s success or failure in tackling issues within his country will likely determine whether he can continue those diplomatic policies, analysts say. Meanwhile, Uruguayans say that they want things to change sooner rather than later. “On the streets, ordinary Uruguayans say life feels more precarious: more visible homelessness, more petty theft, more open drug consumption, and more scattered but spectacular acts of violence,” wrote the Latin American Post. “For a society that has long seen itself as calm and orderly, this was a jarring reminder that past success offers no protection.”

Hundreds of Thousands Of Argentines Protest Milei's Cuts to Public Universities

Hundreds of Thousands of Argentines Protest Milei’s Funding Cuts to Public Universities ARGENTINA Argentina Hundreds of thousands of Argentines took to the streets of Buenos Aires and other cities this week to protest President Javier Milei’s funding cuts to public universities. Argentina’s tuition-free public university system – established in 1949 and credited with producing five Nobel Prize laureates – is widely seen as a source of national pride. Protesters accused Milei’s libertarian government of trying to dismantle it through austerity measures aimed at reducing state spending. Demonstrators marched across the capital carrying banners reading “Milei, comply with the law” and “Without public universities, there is no future.” Organizers said more than 1.5 million people demonstrated across the country. Congress last year passed a law to fund universities’ operational costs and raise teacher salaries in line with inflation, but Milei vetoed it and later sought to repeal it in the 2026 budget. Lawmakers overruled both efforts, but the government has still refused to release the funds, prompting legal action and injunctions now under appeal before the Supreme Court. “Funding transfers to the university system have fallen by 45.6 percent from 2023 to the present,” said Franco Bartolacci, president of the National Interuniversity Council. The government has claimed that the law threatens its fiscal surplus and has portrayed the demonstrations as politically motivated. The protests came as Milei is also facing declining approval ratings amid falling wages, rising unemployment and corruption allegations surrounding his cabinet chief, Manuel Adorni. Some demonstrators carried signs targeting Adorni, with one reading, “How much does Adorni cost us?”

Peruvian Prosecutors Charge Presidential Candiadte Roberto Sanchez Ahead of Runoff Vote

Peruvian Prosecutors Charge Presidential Candidate Roberto Sánchez Ahead of Runoff Vote PERU Peru Peru’s top prosecutor filed financial crime charges against leftist presidential candidate Roberto Sánchez, hours after election authorities confirmed he would advance to next month’s presidential runoff against conservative rival Keiko Fujimori. Prosecutors on Tuesday accused Sánchez, a candidate from the Juntos por el Perú party, of making false statements in administrative proceedings and filing false financial disclosures with the National Office of Electoral Processes related to campaign contributions from 2018 to 2020. Authorities are seeking a prison sentence of more than five years as well as his “permanent disqualification” from serving as president of the Juntos por el Perú party. Sánchez’s lawyer rejected the accusations, arguing that the party’s treasurer – not Sánchez – was responsible for the financial filings. The charges were announced shortly after Peru’s electoral commission said Sánchez and Fujimori would advance to the June 7 runoff vote. With nearly all ballots counted, Fujimori, the daughter of former President Alberto Fujimori, led with 17.17 percent of the vote, while Sánchez followed with 12 percent. Election authorities are expected to certify the final first-round results by Friday. The presidential race has unfolded amid weeks of political tension following a contentious first round marked by allegations of fraud, logistical problems and the resignation of Peru’s top electoral official, who is also under investigation. Despite the accusations, international observers said they found no concrete evidence of fraud in the April vote. Advertisement

Venezuela's Acting L:eader To Appear Before World Court Over Territorial Dispute with Guyana

Venezuela’s Acting Leader To Appear Before World Court Over Territorial Dispute With Guyana VENEZUELA/ GUYANA Venezuela Venezuela’s acting President Delcy Rodríguez arrived in the Netherlands this week for hearings at the International Court of Justice to defend her country’s claim to a resource-rich region in western Guyana, part of a decades-old territorial dispute between the South American neighbors. The case at the United Nations’ top court centers on Essequibo, a nearly 62,000-square-mile territory rich in gold, diamonds, timber and other natural resources, located near a major offshore oil deposit. The dispute, rooted in the colonial era, has intensified in recent years following major oil discoveries offshore and repeated Venezuelan naval patrols near waters claimed by Guyana. Guyana brought the case to the ICJ in 2018 seeking confirmation that an 1899 arbitration ruling – which established the border largely in favor of what was then British Guiana – remains legally valid. Venezuela counters that the ruling was fraudulent and says a 1966 Geneva agreement effectively nullified it and requires bilateral negotiations instead. Rodríguez said Caracas has “demonstrated at every historical stage what our territory has meant since we were born as a Republic.” Guyana’s Foreign Minister Hugh Hilton Todd told judges on May 4 at the opening of the hearings that the dispute “has been a blight on our existence as a sovereign state from the beginning” and said 70 percent of Guyana’s territory was at stake. Venezuela has continued to reject the ICJ’s jurisdiction, despite participating in the proceedings. The court is expected to take months to issue a final and legally binding ruling.

Guyana Is Having A Petrostate Moment

As the Gulf War Causes Energy Woes Around the World, Guyana’s Having a Petrostate Moment GUYANA Guyana The US recently seized the oil tanker Majestic X in the Indian Ocean, saying the Guyanese-flagged vessel was carrying Iranian oil. Guyanese officials claimed the ship fabricated its registration. But the incident underscored Guyana’s rising profile as a player in the global oil trade. Following ExxonMobil’s massive 2015 discovery of over 11 billion barrels of recoverable oil in the Stabroek Block, Guyana rapidly became one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, with crude production propelling unprecedented GDP growth. The Stabroek Block, about 120 miles offshore, is operated by ExxonMobil with Chevron and the Chinese state-owned China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC), and holds most of Guyana’s reserves. This newfound wealth now dominates Guyana’s economy, turning the country into one of the top oil producers per capita in just a few years. Its gross domestic product growth has been among the highest in the world over the last five years, according to Rice University’s Baker Institute. Guyana’s oil revenues are now on track to hit $33 billion annually, which is 75 percent more than forecasters expected before the US-Israeli war against Iran and the shutdown of oil traffic through the Strait of Hormuz. Add the premium that Guyanese oil exporters receive from their main clients in Europe, and returns have surged far beyond earlier forecasts. But the boom is also pushing up costs at home. Guyana faces a significant risk of the resource curse, where abundant natural resources paradoxically lead to poor economic development, high income inequality and corruption. Even as Guyana exports crude, it remains exposed to global prices, importing refined fuels whose costs rise with international markets. Higher fuel prices feed into transport and electricity, pushing up food costs in a country reliant on imports, while surging demand outpaces housing and supply. As a result, inflation is rising even as growth accelerates, with oil accounting for three-quarters of GDP and the price shock set to deepen that reliance, said Radhika Bansal of Rystad Energy. “The cost of food and housing has increased by 75 percent since 2021. The oil industry poaches the best workers. … A flood of petro dollars has encouraged waste, if not outright clientelism,” the Economist wrote. To ease these pressures, Guyana’s President Irfaan Ali has announced cash grants of $100,000 to more than 240,000 people as part of his policy to share the wealth directly with citizens. Ali has also invested heavily in social programs. He plans to build a refinery so the country can produce its own fuel and potentially export finished products, arguing that national security requires Guyana to achieve energy and economic independence. Meanwhile, Guyana is locked in a long-running territorial dispute with Venezuela over the Essequibo region, a vast area administered by Guyana that is rich in natural resources and has gained fresh strategic importance with recent oil discoveries. “Strengthening military, economic, and diplomatic support for Guyana aligns with US national security interests given Guyana’s growing role as an energy producer, its strategic location, and its leadership among democratic nations in the Caribbean,” wrote the Council on Foreign Relations. For now, however, the domestic picture tells a different story. Despite the country’s oil boom, many Guyanese say the gains have yet to reach those on the margins. Data from the Inter-American Development Bank indicates that 58 percent of the country’s roughly 800,000 people live on less than $6.85 a day, with 32 percent surviving on under $3.65. Rajesh Singh, a 46-year-old painter and maintenance worker, said the oil boom has done little for ordinary people like him. “People must live comfortably now that we have big oil money, but it is clearly not happening yet,” he told the Guardian. “The big boys are looking after themselves too much.”

Peru's Electoral Court Requests Audit of April Elections

Peru’s Electoral Court Requests Audit of April Elections PERU Peru Peru’s electoral court this week requested a “comprehensive and exhaustive IT audit” of the April 12 general elections as uncertainty and mistrust persist over the incomplete vote count. The court, formally known as the National Jury of Elections (JNE) said Saturday the audit is necessary “to strengthen the transparency, integrity, and reliability of the election results.” The request comes weeks after the outcome of the first round remains unresolved, with 97.5 percent of votes counted and authorities still reviewing disputed tally sheets from more than 1 million ballots. The election was marred by logistical failures that forced officials to extend voting by an additional day, prompting accusations of fraud and manipulation. The disruptions led election chief Piero Corvetto to resign last month. He had acknowledged problems in the process but denied any wrongdoing. Authorities have since launched an investigation into the irregularities. Preliminary results show conservative candidate Keiko Fujimori leading the race, but it remains unclear who she will face in the June runoff. Left-wing congressman Roberto Sánchez and ultraconservative Rafael López Aliaga are locked in a tight contest for second place. The JNE said the planned audit would not interfere with the ongoing review of contested ballots. Officials had previously indicated that final results would be announced no later than May 15.

Colombia: Highway Blast Kills At Least 21

Colombia Highway Blast Kills At Least 21, Insurgents Blamed COLOMBIA Colombia A powerful bomb blast on a highway in Colombia killed at least 21 people and injured 56 others over the weekend, with authorities accusing guerrilla insurgents of the attack ahead of next month’s presidential elections. The explosion occurred Saturday on the Pan-American Highway in the southwestern Cauca department, a region long affected by armed conflict. Authorities said attackers blocked traffic using a bus and another vehicle before detonating an explosive device, leaving a crater more than 7,000 cubic feet in size. Security officials described the incident as a “terrorist attack” and called it Cauca’s “most brutal and ruthless attack against the civilian population in decades.” President Gustavo Petro blamed the bombing on Iván Mordisco, the alias used by Colombia’s most-wanted criminal and leader of a dissident faction of the now-defunct Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Mordisco’s group operates in the southwestern region and is involved in illegal mining, extortion and drug trafficking. On Saturday, Defense Minister Pedro Sánchez accused “Marlon” – a rebel leader affiliated with Mordisco’s group – of orchestrating the attack and offered a $1.4 million reward for information leading to his capture. The attack follows a series of recent incidents in the Cauca region, including a bomb attack on a military base in the city of Cali on Friday. The violence comes a little more than a month before the May 31 presidential election, when voters will choose a successor to Petro. Security has become a central issue in the campaign, particularly after the assassination last year of conservative frontrunner Miguel Uribe Turbay. Left-wing Sen. Iván Cepeda, a key figure behind Petro’s policy of negotiating with armed groups, currently leads in the polls. He is followed by right-wing candidates Abelardo de la Espriella and Paloma Valencia, both of whom have pledged a tougher approach to rebel groups. Police have increased protection for the three leading candidates after they received death threats.