Argentina: More Valuable Artwork Stolen By The Nazis Are Being Recovered In Argentina

Hunt for Nazi painting 'looted' by Hitler's financial adviser may have led to more stolen art By Germania Rodriguez Poleo, 1 days ago Argentinian officials might have found more art looted by the Nazis during World War II as they hunt down a famous painting in Buenos Aires. The new works were discovered as officials searched for an 18th century masterpiece stolen from a Jewish collector by SS officer Friedrich Kadgien, who fled to Argentina after the war. Kadgien's daughter Patricia and her husband Juan Carlos Cortegoso were placed under house arrest after the painting went missing from her home in Mar de Plata, near Buenos Aires. The painting, Portrait of a Lady, by Italian master Giuseppe Ghislandi, was missing for 80 years before it was spotted on a real estate website last month by Dutch journalists. Prosecutors said they raided the homes of several of Kadgien's relatives as part of the search and discovered two paintings from the 19th century in the home of Kadgien's sister. They also found a series of drawings and engravings from the same time period, authorities added. The art pieces will be analyzed to determine if they were also looted by the Nazis. Friedrich Kadgien was described as a 'snake of the lowest sort' by American interrogators Friedrich Kadgien was a financial adviser to Hermann Göring, the right-hand man of Adolf Hitler and an art aficionado who plundered famous paintings through the forced sale of Jewish-owned galleries in the Nazi-occupied Europe. Kadgien was never charged with crimes related to the Nazi regime during decades after he fled to Argentina. He died in 1978 in Buenos Aires. Reporters for the Dutch newspaper Algemeen Dagblad spotted the Portrait of a Lady. on a real estate listing for Kadgien's home while searching for stolen artwork from the Netherlands. The portrait, listed as missing on international and Dutch databases of Nazi-confiscated works, was one of more than 1,000 pieces stolen by Göring from prominent Dutch-Jewish art dealer Jacques Goudstikker. Acting on an alert from Interpol, Argentine authorities entered the house with a search warrant on Tuesday. To their surprise, hanging on the wall behind the green velvet sofa where the painting had been pictured was a large pastoral tapestry of horses, the public prosecutor said Wednesday. Investigators also noticed a hook and marks on the wall, suggesting that a framed painting had been removed recently, the statement said. Carlos Martínez, the prosecutor who is in charge of the investigation, told The Associated Press that he accused the couple of obstructing the investigation and ordered their detention at home for at least 72 hours pending a hearing. It once belonged to Dutch Jewish collector Jacques Goudstikker, a successful art dealer in Amsterdam who helped his fellow Jews flee the Nazis before he died at sea while trying to escape to Britain aboard a cargo ship Portrait of a Lady, a portrait of Contessa Colleoni created by Fra Galgario in the 18th century, was pictured hanging over a sofa in a real estate listing posted by Robles Casas & Campos Martínez said Kadgien family’s defense team had offered to hand over the painting but has not done so yet. The developments reopened a shadowy chapter in the history of this South American nation, which sheltered scores of Nazis who fled Europe to avoid prosecution for war crimes, including high-ranking party members and notorious architects of the Holocaust like Adolf Eichmann. Under the government of Argentine General Juan Perón, whose first tenure lasted from 1946 until his overthrow in 1955, fugitive German fascists brought plundered Jewish property with them, including gold, bank deposits, paintings, sculptures and furnishings. The fate of those items continues to make news as the painful process of restitution drags along in Argentina and beyond.

Rio de Janeiro Was once A European Capital

Rio de Janeiro was once a European capital. World History The seaside city of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, was once the capital of Portugal, making it the only European capital in history located outside of Europe. So how did the seat of a powerful European empire end up thousands of miles away on the other side of the world? Like so many things in Europe’s geopolitical history, it has to do with Napoleon Bonaparte. In 1807, Napoleon invaded Portugal during the early days of the Peninsular War, an attempt by France to control Spain and Portugal. The Portuguese prince regent, Dom João, immediately fled the capital city of Lisbon and set sail for Brazil, a Portuguese colony at the time, taking refuge in the colonial capital of Rio de Janeiro with his family, nobles, and trusted advisers. Dom João transformed his new home into a bona fide political capital, outfitting the city with all necessary offices to run an empire, including a Supreme Court, Royal Mint, and Council of State. He also established the Bank of Brazil, one of the world’s oldest continuously operating banks. When Napoleon suffered his famous final defeat at Waterloo in June 1815, it ended his threat to Portugal, but the royals remained in Brazil, and six months later, Dom João designated the dominions of Portugal as one empire under the “United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil, and the Algarves.” Brazil was given equal status to Portugal and was no longer considered a colony, and because Rio was the home of the monarchy at the time, it became the capital city of the entire kingdom. The prince ascended the throne as King John VI in 1816 and remained in Brazil until 1821, when he was forced to return to Lisbon due to civil unrest. His son Dom Pedro was tasked with presiding over Brazil. Around this time, the Portuguese parliament in Lisbon urged the monarchy to restore Brazil to its former dependent colonial status and for Dom Pedro to return to Portugal. In direct defiance, he remained abroad, as declared in his speech “Fico” (“I Am Staying”). He proclaimed Brazil’s independence on September 7, 1822, and was crowned emperor on December 1; Rio de Janeiro served as the capital city of the newly independent country until 1960, when the city of Brasília took its place.

Volkswagen's Brasil Unit To Pay $30 Million Compensation For "Slavery" In The Amazon

Volkswagen’s Brazil Unit to Pay $30 Million Compensation for ‘Slavery’ in the Amazon Brazil Brazil’s labor court this month ordered Volkswagen to pay about $30 million in collective “moral” damages for subjecting workers to slavery-like conditions at a company-owned farm in the Amazon during the 1970s and 1980s, the Associated Press reported. The court found that hundreds of workers at a farm in Para state were forced into degrading work conditions. The farm, owned by Volkswagen through a subsidiary, was used for cattle ranching and logging. In his ruling issued last week, Judge Otavio Bruno da Silva Ferreira said evidence confirmed the farm belonged to Volkswagen and that conditions met the legal definition of slave labor. “Slavery is a ‘present past,’ because its marks remain in Brazilian society, especially in labor relations,” Ferreira wrote, adding that the legacy of Brazil’s colonial slave system continues to shape society today. According to the court, around 300 workers were employed in irregular contracts to clear the forest and prepare pastures. They lived in precarious conditions under armed surveillance, were not fed properly, and were forced to remain on the farm under a system of debt bondage. They also had no access to medical assistance, even when affected by diseases such as malaria. Volkswagen’s cattle ranching and logging operations in the Amazon at the time benefited from government incentives under Brazil’s military dictatorship, which was part of a bigger state plan to develop the region, Reuters wrote. The case arose in 2019 after the country’s Labor Prosecutor’s Office opened an investigation when a local priest provided decades of extensive documentation on the case. Prosecutors formally charged Volkswagen in 2024. The court’s ruling followed failed talks to settle with Volkswagen’s Brazil unit, with prosecutors saying the company “showed no interest” in negotiations. Prosecutors argued that the company has to publicly admit its responsibility in the case and issue a formal apology, while also implementing a “zero-tolerance” policy for slave-labor conditions. In a statement, Volkswagen said it defends human dignity and strictly follows all relevant labor laws and regulations. The automaker announced it would appeal the decision. Prosecutors said this is the largest reparation of its kind in Brazil’s history, which abolished slavery in 1888, the last country in the Western Hemisphere to do so.

Argentine Officials Forced To Fly Home From US After Kristi Noem Filed To Inform Them That Visa Ceremony Was Cancelled.

NewsWorldAmericasUS politics Argentinian officials forced to fly home from US after Kristi Noem failed to inform them visa ceremony was canceled: report ‘Let’s just say this was not a great look from us,’ one Trump administration official told Axios Ariana Baio in New York Wednesday 03 September 2025 11:50 EDT 9 Comments Close Kristi Noem posts video of herself riding horses in Argentina while on official trip Your support helps us to tell the story Support Now From reproductive rights to climate change to Big Tech, The Independent is on the ground when the story is developing. Whether it's investigating the financials of Elon Musk's pro-Trump PAC or producing our latest documentary, 'The A Word', which shines a light on the American women fighting for reproductive rights, we know how important it is to parse out the facts from the messaging. At such a critical moment in US history, we need reporters on the ground. Your donation allows us to keep sending journalists to speak to both sides of the story. The Independent is trusted by Americans across the entire political spectrum. And unlike many other quality news outlets, we choose not to lock Americans out of our reporting and analysis with paywalls. We believe quality journalism should be available to everyone, paid for by those who can afford it. Your support makes all the difference. Read more A delegation from Argentina, which arrived in the United States for a visa-waiver signing ceremony, was reportedly forced to return home empty-handed after Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem failed to inform them that the event had been canceled. Last week, a group of officials flew from Buenos Aires to Miami, where they were told by the Department of Homeland Security not to continue their trip to Washington, D.C., because the agreement - which would allow American and Argentinian citizens to travel between the two countries for up to 90 days without a visa - was “missing a signature,” a source told Axios. In the end, the officials, including the head of Argentina’s tax and customs agency, Juan Pazo, spent two days in Miami and then returned home. “Let’s just say this was not a great look from us,” a senior Trump administration official told Axios, adding that it was “embarrassing.” The incident appeared preventable. Noem allegedly knew that the Visa Waiver Program signing would not take place because Secretary of State Marco Rubio had not fully approved it yet. Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, pictured with Argentine Minister of National Security Patricia Bullrich in July, reportedly failed to inform a delegation that they were pausing a potential Visa Waiver Program agreement open image in gallery Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, pictured with Argentine Minister of National Security Patricia Bullrich in July, reportedly failed to inform a delegation that they were pausing a potential Visa Waiver Program agreement (AFP/Getty) Recommended ‘ICE Barbie’ Kristie Noem dons favorite cowboy gear as she visits Argentina to work on new visa deal ‘ICE Barbie’ Kristie Noem dons favorite cowboy gear as she visits Argentina to work on new visa deal World leaders from China and Argentina join heads of far-right parties to attend Trump’s inauguration World leaders from China and Argentina join heads of far-right parties to attend Trump’s inauguration Noem warns more immigration raids are coming to America’s biggest cities: ‘We do intend to add more’ Noem warns more immigration raids are coming to America’s biggest cities: ‘We do intend to add more’ A Department of Homeland Security spokesperson referred The Independent to a post on X which pushed back on Axios’ reporting. “As we told them there was no new or additional visa waver program related document pending a signature with Argentina," the post read. "DHS looks forward to working with Argentinian officials going forward.” In July, Noem visited Argentina with the intention of starting discussions to help the country reenter the Visa Waiver Program.

Table In Argentina Nazi House Where Stolen Painting Went Missing Bears Likeness To Swastika

Table in Argentina 'Nazi house' where 'stolen' painting went missing bears likeness to Swastika By Harry Howard, 2 days ago It's the story of a 'stolen' painting that has taken the world by storm. The 18th-century work 'Portrait of a Lady', allegedly stolen from a Jewish collector more than 80 years ago, was spotted in an estate agent photo hanging on the wall of a home owned by the daughter of Nazi Friedrich Kadgien. Yet when police in the Argentine city of Mar del Plata searched the home, they found a tapestry in its place - with only a hook and marks on the wall signalling what had been there before. It sparked an intense search for the missing work that is still ongoing, with Kadgien's daughter Patricia and other family members remaining silent amidst the hunt. Now though, experts have spotted that the pattern on a table seen in the same bombshell photo bears a strong resemblance to a swastika, which was the symbol of the Nazi regime. Respected historian Robin Schaefer told the Daily Mail: 'I find it very difficult to construct any case in which that isn't a swastika. 'There is no option in which that isn't an intentional design. Although maybe she [Patricia] acquired it.' His comments came after the chief executive of expert body the Association for Research into Crimes Against Art said in a blog post that the coffee table pattern 'by mistake or design forms the shape of a swastika.' Although an ancient religious symbol most strongly associated with Hinduism, the swastika is now synonymous with far-right hatred and mass murder after being co-opted by the Nazi Party. It was the central part of Nazi Germany's national flag during Adolf Hitler's rule. The Nazi swastika did not look exactly the same as the traditional religious symbol. It was rotated to the right, with the four traditional dots removed. Kadgien, who was described as a 'snake of the lowest sort' by American interrogators, had funded the Third Reich's war effort through the theft of art and diamonds from Jewish dealers in the Netherlands. A senior aide to monstrous Luftwaffe chief Hermann Goering during the Second World War, he fled to Switzerland after Germany's defeat and then moved to Argentina, where he became a successful businessman before his death in 1978. He was one of hundreds of Nazis who found refuge in South America - in particular in Argentina - after the war. Among the most notorious were war criminals Adolf Eichmann - the chief architect of the Holocaust - and Auschwitz death camp doctor Josef Mengele. Kadgien's daughter's home, in the city of Mar del Plata, was marketed for sale on the website of estate agent Robles Casas & Campos. A Dutch journalist investigating the disappearance of Portrait of a Lady spotted the work by painter Fra Galgario in the listing's photos. Now though, experts have spotted that the pattern on a table seen in the same bombshell photo bears a strong resemblance to a Nazi swastika Although an ancient religious symbol most strongly associated with Hinduism, the swastika is now synonymous with far-right hatred and mass murder after being co-opted by the Nazi Party. Above: A Nazi Party rally in 1933 It had pride of place in the family living room. But when Argentine police stepped into Patricia Kadgien's house with a warrant in hand, they were met with disappointment. The painting was no longer there. Instead, a tapestry depicting horses was in its place. Ms Kadgien was present with her lawyer as police carried out the search. She has not responded to requests for comment and no charges have been filed. Officers did seize cell phones and two unregistered firearms as well as drawings, engravings and documents from the 1940s that could advance the investigation Portrait of a Lady is among at least 800 pieces owned by Dutch Jewish art dealer Jacquest Goudstikker that were seized or bought under duress by the Nazis. He died in 1940 aged just 42 after falling into the hold of a ship and breaking his neck while fleeing the Nazis for England, where he was buried. Friedrich Kadgien was described as a 'snake of the lowest sort' by American interrogators Kadgien once served as a financial advisor to top Nazi Herman Goering (pictured) Nazi Friedrich Kadgien in Brail 1954 with Antoinette Imfeld, the wife of Swiss lawyer Ernst Imfeld. The lawyer helped Kadgien flee from Switzerland to South America When police arrived, they found that the work was missing. On the wall instead was a tapestry depicting horses. Above: Investigators searching the home Investigators seized much from the home, but not the prized artwork they went in looking for A member of the Argentine Federal Police (PFA) stands outside the house that was raided after a photo showing a 17th century masterwork allegedly stolen by the Nazis from a Dutch Jewish art collector appeared in an advertisement for the sale of the property, in Parque Luro neighbourhood, Mar del Plata Investigators recovered more than 200 of the pieces in the early 2000s, but many - like Portrait of a Lady - remained missing and are included on the international and Dutch lists of lost art looted by the Nazis. Before his own unsuccessful escape from Europe, Goudstikker helped fellow Jews flee the Nazis. Marei von Saher, 81, Goudstikker's only surviving heir, said last week she now plans to file a claim and launch a legal action to have the painting returned to her family. 'My search for the artworks owned by my father-in-law Jacques Goudstikker started at the end of the 90s, and I won't give up,' von Saher told Dutch newspaper Algemeen Dagblad. 'My family aims to bring back every single artwork robbed from Jacques's collection and restore his legacy.'

Argentina: Officials Recover Stolen Painting

Argentina officials recover missing painting stolen by Nazis and seen in real estate photo By Lucila SigalJuan Carlos Bustamante, 7 hours ago By Lucila Sigal and Juan Carlos Bustamante BUENOS AIRES (Reuters) -Argentina officials said on Wednesday they had recovered a painting stolen decades ago by the Nazis following days of international intrigue and raids to track down the portrait after it was spotted in a real estate photo. An official for the local prosecutor's office in the coastal city of Mar del Plata said Argentina's federal prosecutor would soon reveal more details about the painting's recovery. The painting, a portrait of Contessa Colleoni by Italian artist Giuseppe Ghislandi, is featured on a database of works of art stolen by the Nazis and has been missing for 80 years. Argentine authorities raided a house in Mar del Plata last week after the painting was shown hanging on a wall in a photo on a real estate listing, but were not able to immediately locate it. Dutch newspaper Algemeen Dagblad first reported that the home in the real estate listing belonged to Patricia Kadgien, daughter of Friedrich Kadgien, a senior official in Adolf Hitler's government who moved to Argentina from Germany after World War Two. He died in 1979. A federal court ordered house arrest for Patricia Kadgien and her husband for 72 hours starting Monday. A judicial official told Reuters they would be questioned on accusations they had obstructed the investigation to locate the painting. The portrait of Contessa Colleoni was among more than 1,000 works of art stolen by the Nazis from Amsterdam-based art dealer Jacques Goudstikker, who died in 1940. (Reporting by Lucila Sigal and Juan Bustamante, editing by Cassandra Garrison and Rosalba O'Brien) 184

Peru: Ex President Alejandro Toledo Gets A Second Prison Term

Peru’s ex-president Toledo gets a second sentence in the Odebrecht corruption scandal By Via AP news wire, 3 hours ago Peru Ex-President Corruption Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved Former Peruvian President Alejandro Toledo was sentenced to prison Wednesday for the second time in a case involving Brazilian construction giant Odebrecht. Toledo received a sentence of 13 years and four months for money laundering, said Judge Josefa Izaga. In October 2024, he was sentenced to 20 years and six months for bribery and corruption in the case. Authorities accused the former president of accepting $35 million in bribes from Odebrecht in exchange for allowing the construction of a highway in the South American country. Toledo governed Peru from 2001 to 2006, and is the latest ex-Peruvian leader convicted for corruption related to Odebrecht. A few months ago, former President Ollanta Humala was sentenced to 15 years in prison for laundering funds from the company to finance his 2006 and 2011 campaigns. Odebrecht built some of Latin America’s most crucial infrastructure projects, and in 2016 it admitted to U.S. authorities to having bought government contracts throughout the region with generous bribes. The investigation by the U.S. Department of Justice spun probes in several countries, including Mexico, Guatemala and Ecuador. In Peru, authorities accused Toledo and three other former presidents of receiving payments from the construction giant. They alleged Toledo received $35 million from Odebrecht in exchange for the contract to build 650 kilometers (403 miles) of a highway linking Brazil with southern Peru. That portion of the highway was initially estimated to cost $507 million, but Peru ended up paying $1.25 billion. Toledo, 78, has denied the accusations. He was first arrested in 2019 at his home in California, where he had been living since 2016, when he returned to Stanford University, his alma mater, as a visiting scholar. He was initially held in solitary confinement at a county jail east of San Francisco but was released to house arrest in 2020 because of the COVID-19 pandemic and his deteriorating mental health. He was extradited to Peru in 2023 after a court of appeals denied a challenge to his extradition and he surrendered to authorities. The sentences are to be served concurrently. ____ Follow AP’s coverage of Latin America and the Caribbean at https://apnews.com/hub/latin-america 2

Argentina: Federal Judge Bars Publication Of Audios Attributed to Milei's Sister

Argentina federal judge bars publication of audios attributed to Milei's sister By Leila Miller, 2 days ago By Leila Miller BUENOS AIRES (Reuters) -A federal civil court judge in Argentina on Monday barred media outlets from publishing audio recordings that were made inside the presidential palace, presumably of the sister of President Javier Milei, as the government weathers a storm of corruption allegations heading into elections. The president's spokesperson, Manuel Adorni, posted on social media a court order that prohibits distribution of the audios recorded inside the Casa Rosada presidential palace via media outlets or social media platforms. The government had filed a complaint in federal court against an "operation of illegal intelligence with the aim of destabilizing the country in the middle of an election campaign," Adorni said. The recordings included private conversations of officials, including the president's sister, Karina Milei, who is also chief of staff, Adorni said. The federal judge's order comes as Milei's government faces allegations of corruption after a separate series of audio recordings were leaked to local news outlets in August. The recordings barred by the federal judge on Monday were already published on a streaming platform, according to Argentine newspaper La Nacion. In them, Karina Milei can allegedly be heard addressing her staff about labor issues. "We have to be united," she was heard saying, according to the paper. Milei's government is on wobbly political ground heading into the October midterm elections, which are an opportunity to expand his government from its current minority. The midterms are preceded by local elections in Buenos Aires province on September 7, currently dominated by the Peronist opposition. In the audio recordings leaked in August, which sparked a political scandal, Diego Spagnuolo, the then-head of Argentina's disability agency, can allegedly be heard discussing bribery within the agency. He alludes to Karina Milei as receiving payments. The president, who fired Spagnuolo after the audios surfaced, has dismissed the recordings as a lie. Reuters could not independently corroborate the audio recordings. (Reporting by Leila Miller; editing by Cassandra Garrison, Rod Nickel)

Brasil: Landmark Trial of Bolsonaro Enters Verdict Phase Amid US Pressure To Drop Prosecution

Landmark Trial of Bolsonaro Enters Verdict Phase Amid US Pressure To Drop Prosecution Brazil The landmark trial of Brazil’s right-wing former President Jair Bolsonaro entered its final phase Tuesday with the Supreme Court hearing closing arguments in a case that alleges that the former army officer plotted a coup to remain in power after his 2022 election loss, Reuters reported. This phase of the trial will see the panel of five Supreme Court judges deliver a verdict, likely by Sept. 12, the BBC added. The prosecution finished presenting its case in July and the defense wrapped up its arguments mid-August. Bolsonaro is accused of leading a criminal organization, attempting to abolish the democratic rule of law, attempting a coup, and two counts of destruction of property. He has denied all charges, calling them politically motivated. Evidence against Bolsonaro includes a draft of an unpublished presidential decree that would have allowed him to seize emergency powers and take control of Brazil’s top electoral court, overturning election results. Investigators say Bolsonaro edited the document and showed it to the military, but failed to secure unanimous support. Prosecutors also accuse Bolsonaro of approving a plan to assassinate the current president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Vice President Geraldo Alckmin and Justice Alexandre de Moraes. This is the first time a former Brazilian president has been charged with trying to subvert the country’s democracy. If convicted, Bolsonaro could face up to 40 years in prison. The trial has also drawn the ire of US President Donald Trump, who described the case as a “witch hunt” against his close ally. As a result, Trump imposed economic and diplomatic sanctions on Brazil, including a 50 percent tariff on Brazilian goods, and revoked the visas of de Moraes and other Supreme Court justices. Moraes opened Tuesday’s session with a statement defending the independence of the proceeding from foreign interference, a swipe at Trump, the Washington Post wrote. Afterward, he presented an overview of the evidence against Bolsonaro and seven other prominent former officials and military officers, including an admiral, three generals, and a lieutenant colonel who has agreed to a plea deal. Deliberations are scheduled to start next week. A simple majority, or three out of five votes, is needed to convict. If any of the defendants are convicted, a second round of voting would decide the sentences. Bolsonaro is currently under house arrest and banned from travelling for violating a ban on using social media that was imposed on him ahead of his trial, and because he is considered at risk of fleeing the country. The trial has become the dominant topic in Brazil, where millions have tuned in to watch it live. Meanwhile, dozens of people Sunday gathered in front of the former president’s house in the capital, Brasília, to express support, and more protests are expected in the coming days. Share this story

Argentina Court Orders House Arrest For The Daughter of Nazi Official In Search Of Missing Painting

Argentina court orders house arrest for daughter of Nazi official in search for missing painting By Lucila Sigal, 20 hours ago By Lucila Sigal BUENOS AIRES (Reuters) -A federal court in Argentina ordered house arrest for the daughter of a former Nazi official and her husband after a raid failed to locate an iconic painting stolen decades ago by the Nazis. In an incident that captivated Argentina last week, authorities raided a home in the coastal city of Mar de Plata after a Dutch newspaper identified a painting seen in a real estate photo as an Italian masterpiece registered on a database of lost wartime art. They failed, however, to locate the piece. The painting, a portrait of Contessa Colleoni by Italian artist Giuseppe Ghislandi, who died in 1743, had been missing for 80 years, before it was spotted in the listing for a home believed to be owned by Patricia Kadgien, the daughter of the late former Nazi official Friedrich Kadgien. Patricia Kadgien and her husband, were ordered to remain under house arrest for 72 hours starting Monday and will be questioned for obstructing the investigation to locate the painting, a judicial official in Mar de Plata told Reuters on Tuesday. The couple will be summoned for a hearing before Thursday, the official said, where they are expected to be charged with "concealment of theft in the context of genocide." Argentina authorities carried out four new raids on Monday to find the painting, the official said, at homes linked to Kadgien and the couple's relatives, where investigators found two other paintings presumably dating back to the 1800s. Reuters was not immediately able to contact Patricia Kadgien. After the fall of the Third Reich at the end of World War Two, a number of high-ranking Nazi officials fled to South America. The portrait of Contessa Colleoni was among more than 1,000 works of art stolen by the Nazis from Amsterdam-based art dealer Jacques Goudstikker who died in 1940, according to Dutch newspaper Algemeen Dagblad, which also reported on documents suggesting it was in the possession of Friedrich Kadgien, a senior official in Adolf Hitler's government who moved to Argentina after World War II. Kadgien died in 1979. (Reporting by Lucila Sigal, editing by Cassandra Garrison and Alistair Bell)

Argentina: CIA Files Reveal That The Argentina Military Junta Planned to Massacre Britissh Families and US Embassy Workers

CIA files reveal Argentina 'planned massacre of British families and US embassy workers' By Rebecca RobinsonElle Griffiths, 17 hours ago Argentina had schemes to "disappear" hundreds of British nationals the day before the Falklands War erupted, according to startling CIA files that have come to light. Dictator General Leopoldo Galtieri put forward plans to potentially slaughter 500 Britons and more than 100 US embassy personnel, using a terror organization as camouflage. The papers, labeled "Contingency plans for violence against US and British citizens", were discovered by Falklands historian Ricky D. Phillips and trace back to April 12, 1982 - merely days following Argentina's invasion of the territories. READ MORE:Donald Trump's health condition can lead to amputation, warns expert READ MORE:Trump hides from cameras for second day amid health rumors as he sneaks out for golf trip The files were declassified in 2018 but remained hidden from public view until now, as Mr. Phillips stumbled upon them during research for an upcoming publication. He explained: "I was researching my new book and suddenly found this incredible CIA file that nobody knew about." "It showed the Argentines formulated a military run plan to snatch and 'disappear' hundreds of people in one fell swoop and to blame it on an Argentine terrorist organization called Montoneros. "This would have been Argentina's equivalent to Adolf Hitler's Kristallnacht, where the Nazis rounded up thousands of Jews and sent them to concentration camps to be killed." The document states: "As of the early evening of 11 April 1982 the 601st Intelligence Battalion, the operational arm of the Argentine Army Intelligence Service was making contingency plans to 'disappear' US citizens in Argentina if the US government adopts the British position in regard to the dispute in the Falkland Islands. "In the terminology used by the 601st battalion 'disappeared' does not mean 'put in jail'. 'Disappeared' probably means 'killed'. [redacted name] did not provide any information on the identities or numbers of persons who would be 'disappeared'. "However... it referred to intelligence and security personnel at the US embassy in Buenos Aires. "Also on the early evening of 11 April, teams from the 601st battalion were moving into position to be ready to take immediate action to 'disappear' 500 British subjects in Argentina as soon as hostilities begin." The Falklands War was a ten-week conflict between Argentina and the United Kingdom in 1982 over two British overseas territories in the South Atlantic: the Falkland Islands and South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands. For all the latest news straight to your inbox, sign up for our FREE newsletters here. Argentina, which had long claimed sovereignty over the islands (known in Argentina as Las Malvinas), invaded them on April 2, 1982, in an attempt to assert control. The Argentine military junta, facing internal unrest and economic problems, believed that reclaiming the islands would boost national pride and unite the country. In response, the British government, led by Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, dispatched a naval task force to retake the islands. After several weeks of fighting on land, sea, and in the air, British forces successfully reclaimed the Falklands in mid-June. Around 900 people were killed during the conflict, most of them Argentine. The war ended with a British victory, but it left a lasting impact on both countries: it led to the fall of the Argentine military dictatorship and significantly strengthened Thatcher’s domestic standing in the UK. The sovereignty dispute over the islands continues to this day. For the latest local news and features on Irish America, visit our homepage here.

What To Know About The Verdict And Sentencing Of Bolsonaro

What to know about the verdict and sentencing phase of Bolsonaro's trial in Brazil By Mauricio Savarese, Updated 05:00 AM PDT, Sun August 31, 2025 The Independent Follow Brazil Bolsonaro Trial Copyright 2023 The Associated Press. All rights reserved The verdict and sentencing phase in the coup trial of former BrazilianPresidentJair Bolsonaro starts Tuesday at the Supreme Court in Brasilia. The embattled leader faces a possible conviction of more than 30 years in prison for his alleged attempt to stay in power after losing his reelection bid in 2022. A five-justice panel will have until Sept. 12 to deliver their decision. The trial of the 70-year-old leader is receiving renewed attention after U.S. President Donald Trump linked a 50% tariff on imported Brazilian goods to his ally’s legal situation. Trump has called the proceedings a “ witch hunt,” triggering nationalist reactions from leaders of all branches of power in Brazil, including President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Bolsonaro, who denies any wrongdoing, was charged with five counts related to attempting to stage a coup. He is under house arrest and has repeatedly said the trial is politically motivated. It is unclear whether Bolsonaro, now wearing an ankle bracelet, will attend. Here’s what to know about the proceedings: The opening Justice Cristiano Zanin, a former lawyer for Lula and chairman of the panel, will open the proceedings at 9 a.m. local time on Sept. 2. None of the two Bolsonaro appointees in the court are part of this panel. Zanin will call on Justice Alexandre de Moraes, the rapporteur of the case. De Moraes, whom Bolsonaro views as an opponent, is expected to read a lengthy report detailing the case. Prosecution and defense After the initial presentation, Prosecutor-General Paulo Gonet will read the charges against Bolsonaro, his former aide Mauro Cid — who signed a plea bargain deal with the prosecution— and six other allies of the former president. Gonet is expected to speak for about one hour, followed by the defense lawyers, who will each have the same amount of time to speak for their clients. Due to his plea bargain, Cid’s lawyer will speak first, followed by the others in alphabetical order of their clients’ names. — Former aide-de-camp Mauro Cid — Former Intelligence Agency Director Alexandre Ramagem — Former Navy commander Almir Garnier — Former Justice Minister Anderson Torres — Former Institutional Security Cabinet Chief Augusto Heleno — Former President Jair Bolsonaro — Former Defense Minister Paulo Sérgio Nogueira — Former Chief of Staff Walter Braga Netto The charges All defendants face five charges, but Bolsonaro is accused of masterminding the plot to stay in power. Here's a look at the charges, the potential penalties and Bolsonaro's alleged involvement: — Attempting to stage a coup: Bolsonaro is accused of leading an attempt to stage a coup to remove Lula’s democratically elected government after losing his reelection bid in 2022. There are multiple pieces of evidence to be analyzed, including an unsigned document that sought to invalidate the election and his alleged push for supporters to destroy government buildings in Brasilia on Jan. 8, 2023. Maximum prison sentence: 12 years. — Armed criminal organization: Bolsonaro is accused of leading a group that associated in a structured manner to commit violent crimes. Prosecutors say that members of the group threatened to use weapons to kill de Moraes. Maximum prison sentence: eight years. — Attempted violent abolition of the democratic rule of law: Bolsonaro and the group were charged for trying to suppress Brazil’s democracy in multiple ways. Maximum prison sentence: eight years. — Damage characterized by violence and a serious threat against the state’s assets: Bolsonaro is accused of leading the thousands who trashed the presidential palace, the Supreme Court, and parts of Congress on Jan. 8, 2023. Damage was estimated at 20 million Brazilian reais (about $3.7 million). Maximum prison sentence: three years. — Deterioration of listed heritage: Bolsonaro is accused of encouraging supporters to camp outside military headquarters before the riots, which destroyed a 17th century clock, several paintings and books. Maximum prison sentence: three years. The voting Once the presentation is over, the charges are read and the defendant’s lawyers speak, the justices will review any final requests from the parties. Then, each of the five panel members will vote on the defendants’ guilt. A majority of three votes is enough to convict. For those found guilty, each justice can recommend a sentence. If the recommendations differ, a single justice will determine an average of the prison time and possible fines. Serving time Bolsonaro and the other defendants can appeal to the full Supreme Court, which would mean their cases would be analyzed by the six justices who are not on the panel. If the appeal is accepted, the full court won't retry the entire case. Instead, it will only review specific complaints on conflicting rulings by the panel, for example on whether a conviction in a specific count should stand or on the length of prison time. If a majority of the full Supreme Court upholds the conviction, then Bolsonaro will go to prison. But it is unlikely he would be transferred to a regular prison. As a former Army captain, he has the right to special incarceration, which could take place at the Army’s headquarters in Brasilia or the Federal Police’s main building in the same city. ___ Follow AP’s coverage of Latin America and the Caribbean at https://apnews.com/hub/latin-america Subscribe to China News Digest's newsletter to receive the latest news and updates directly in your inbox.

Argentina: Corruption Scandals Threaten Milele's Popularity And The Argentine Economy

Corruption Scandals Threaten Milei’s Popularity and Argentina’s Economy Argentina Argentina’s international dollar-denominated bonds dropped Monday to their lowest level in months as corruption allegations involving figures close to President Javier Milei emerged from leaked audio recordings, Reuters reported. The country’s currency and stock market also lost value. Last week, local media released audio recordings in which a voice resembling that of Diego Spagnuolo, then-head of the National Disability Agency (Andis), can be heard discussing bribery within the agency and suggesting that Karina Milei, the president’s sister and chief of staff, was receiving illicit payments. In the recordings, some from 2024 and others from early this year, Spagnuolo accuses Human Capital Minister Sandra Pettovello of “playing a dirty trick” by leaving him exposed to Karina Milei and Eduardo “Lule” Menem, an Argentine politician, while pretending to be unaware of the situation, MercoPress wrote. Spagnuolo also claimed that former Foreign Minister Diana Mondino is “in big trouble.” A nationwide survey by Poliarquía Consultores found that confidence in Milei’s administration reached its lowest point since he took office in 2023. The Government Confidence Index (ICG) this August fell by 13.6 percent to 2.12 points. The drop is attributed to the Andis scandal, which is seen as especially delicate as it revolves around the idea that Milei “doesn’t care for the weak and the poor,” according to Marcelo Garcia, director for the Americas at New York-based risk consultancy Horizon Engage. Garcia warned that a drop in Milei’s popularity could hinder his plans to boost financial markets, as investors are losing confidence in the country’s economy, as stocks, bonds, and the country’s currency are all falling. Several properties, including Spagnuolo’s residence, were raided Friday as part of a government investigation. Government authorities, however, have not verified the audio recording’s authenticity, and cabinet chief Guillermo Francos said that, according to Milei, Spagnuolo never mentioned any alleged bribery. Milei did not address the allegations directly during a Monday speech. However, he said he was not worried about what he described as attacks from the opposition ahead of the midterm elections in October. Milei’s party, La Libertad Avanza, is seeking to expand its influence in the opposition-controlled Congress in the upcoming vote. Some government officials described the recordings as a “political operation” by the opposition. The audio was “staged and edited,” they insisted, but even if it were genuine, it would be invalid as evidence because it was obtained illegally. Meanwhile, opposition lawmakers demanded that the Health Ministry, which oversees Andis, answers questions in Congress on the situation.

Gamgia; Weath of an Infant Sets Pff New Debate Ove FGM

The Price of Control: Death of an Infant Sets Off New Debate over FGM in Gambia The Gambia Earlier this month, a one-month-old baby girl, bleeding heavily, was rushed to the hospital in the Gambian capital of Banjul, where she was pronounced dead on arrival. She had undergone a procedure known as female genital mutilation (FGM). The death set off outrage in the West African country, where the practice was banned a decade ago but remains widespread. “That incident is more than just a case, it is a national wake-up call,” said Emmanuel Joof, chair of Gambia’s National Human Rights Commission, at a recent public event. “It is a reminder that FGM is not simply a ‘cultural practice’ – it is a criminal offence, a human rights violation, and in some cases, like this one, it is deadly.” To date, three women have been charged in the case, the first charges related to FGM since the country attempted to reverse the ban on the practice last year. One of the suspects faces life imprisonment, while the other two were charged as accomplices and face fines and jail time. FGM is the deliberate cutting or removal of a female’s external genitalia, usually for religious and social reasons: Researchers say it is a way to control females and preserve their virginity to make them more “marriageable.” Some practitioners argue it also prevents health problems later on in life, an assertion strongly disputed by medical professionals. Usually, it is performed by older women in the community or traditional healers, often in unsanitary conditions with rough tools such as razor blades. As a result, it can result in serious bleeding, infections, lifelong pain, complications in childbirth, and also death: About 45,000 females die annually of FGM, according to one recent study. More than 230 million women and girls across the world alive in 2024 have undergone the procedure, mostly in Muslim-majority countries in sub-Saharan Africa, but also in Asia and the Middle East, according to the United Nations. The organization noted a 15 percent increase in the number of FGM survivors since 2016. It labels it a form of torture. In Gambia, the UN estimates that about 75 percent of women have had the procedure – among the top 10 highest rates in the world. Many have been cut before the age of six. There has been a worldwide movement for years to ban FGM. Today, it is illegal in more than 70 countries. Since The Gambia banned the practice in 2015, only three women have been convicted of defying the law. In 2023, two mothers and a practitioner, 96-year-old Yassin Fatty, were fined. Fatty said then she would never stop cutting. Still, those convictions set off a fight. Some wanted the ban repealed and argued that FGM is part of Gambia’s culture and Islam mandates it. Religious leaders called FGM “a virtue,” and insisted that those who fight it “are fighting God.” One advocacy group, Concerned Citizens, called on the Gambian government to stop targeting those performing the procedure. “The people of The Gambia have consistently expressed, through various lawful means, their opposition to the ban and have instructed their elected members of parliament to repeal the said prohibition,” the group said in a statement. In March 2024, a majority of lawmakers voted to advance a bill to overturn the ban, setting off weeks of furious campaigning by human rights activists, doctors, and other opponents of FGM. Had it passed, the bill would have made The Gambia the first country in the world to reverse a ban on FGM. Instead, it was defeated by lawmakers last summer, but only just, and by procedural maneuvering. “It’s such a huge sense of relief,” one survivor of FGM, Absa Samba, told the Associated Press after the vote. “But I believe this is just the beginning of the work.” The ban was immediately challenged with a petition filed with the Gambian Supreme Court. That decision is pending. “There is more to come in Gambia,” Nimco Ali, an FGM survivor and anti-FGM activist, told NPR. “The Imam has stated that once the ban is repealed, then the next (goal) will be to repeal laws against child marriage.” Meanwhile, the procedure continues in secrecy, and activists such as Fatou Baldeh, founder of the group Women In Leadership and Liberation, told the BBC there has been an increase in FGM procedures being performed on babies in the country. “Parents feel that if they cut their girls when they’re babies, they heal quicker,” she said. “But also, because of the law, they feel that if they perform it at such a young age, it’s much easier to disguise, so that people don’t know.” Share this story Advertisement The World, Briefly Israel Resumes Ceasefire Talks, UN Declares Famine in Gaza Gaza / Israel / West Bank

A Brasilian Cook Is A Big Hit In London

https://www.ft.com/content/3d5b6407-246c-4c00-a107-2ef9721b43c6?segmentId=3f81fe28-ba5d-8a93-616e-4859191fabd8

Brasil: Holding The Trump Card-Lula Is Capitalizing On The Tariff War

Holding the Trump Card: Brazil’s Lula Is Capitalizing on Tariff War Brazil Over July 6-7, Brazil hosted the BRICS summit, an annual gathering of a growing group of major emerging economies increasingly dominated by China and Russia, which are leading a challenge to the US-led Western world order. At the time, commentators said that the president of Brazil, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, known as Lula, was unpopular at home, as evidenced by the sharp drop in his administration’s approval ratings to 28 percent, and losing “clout” abroad due to his clumsy handling of foreign policy. “Brazil’s role at the heart of an expanded and more authoritarian-dominated BRICS is part of Lula’s increasingly incoherent foreign policy,” wrote the Economist. “He has made no effort to forge ties with the United States since Donald Trump took office in January.” Instead, it added, Lula courts China, Russia, and Venezuela while defending Iran. Enter US President Donald Trump. On July 9, irked by the BRICS meeting and other issues, Trump threatened Brazil with 50 percent tariffs on its exports to the US – despite the US having a roughly $6 billion trade surplus with the country. He said it was because of the “witch hunt” against former right-wing President Jair Bolsonaro, who is being tried for plotting a coup in the aftermath of the 2022 election that he lost to Lula. Bolsonaro is also accused of plotting to kill both Lula and Supreme Federal Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes. Bolsonaro denies all charges. Soon after, the US began investigating Brazil’s trade practices and revoked the visas of top officials, such as Supreme Court justices, prosecutors, and others linked to Bolsonaro’s prosecution, and announced that it was considering sanctions on these individuals. It has especially singled out de Moraes for his actions against US tech companies in his fight against disinformation, which US Secretary of State Marco Rubio called a “persecution and censorship complex” that not only “violates basic rights of Brazilians, but also extends beyond Brazil’s shores to target Americans.” Lula fought back. He promised to reciprocate on tariffs, saying that any tariff increase by the US would trigger Brazil’s economic reciprocity law. That legislation allows Brazil to suspend bilateral trade, investment, and intellectual property agreements with countries that harm the South American nation’s competitiveness, the Associated Press explained. Lula has also threatened to tax US tech companies, such as Meta. “Doesn’t anyone on (Trump’s) team have the sense to explain to him not to insult another country like that?” Lula fumed, calling the US action “unacceptable blackmail.” “It is unacceptable for foreign interests to override Brazilian sovereignty.” Just a month later, the spat has left the Brazilian president riding high at home and abroad, say analysts. Part of the reason is that Lula is the only leader of a US trade partner to challenge Trump’s new tariff regime despite the consequences. Now, Brazil has become the center of attention worldwide. “The world is watching as Brazil reacts to the US,” wrote Andre Pagliarini of the Louisiana State University in the London School of Economics’ Business Review. “What happens in Brazil going forward is of profound interest to other large economies in the Western Hemisphere, like Mexico and Canada and beyond.” “(Lula) is pushing back hard on the Trumpian notion that the price of market access is the dismantling of democratic norms,” Pagliarini added. “Lula’s overarching strategy is focused on highlighting the irrationality and essential hostility of Trump’s attack… The stakes should be clear for everyone.” Brazil is not alone in being singled out by the US for higher tariffs in response to non-economic policies. For example, Canada’s decision to recognize Palestine led Trump to warn that it would now be “very hard” for America to reach a new trade deal that would allow its northern neighbor to avoid high tariffs. Still, the stakes are higher in Brazil because the US is pressuring the country to subvert its own democratic institutions, analysts say. However, the US pressure has backfired spectacularly. Instead of being cowed, the Brazilian high court has stepped up its action against Bolsonaro, who has also taken pains to distance himself from the US action on his behalf. It ordered the former president to don an electronic ankle monitor, confined him to house arrest at certain times, and forbade him from using social media or talking to foreign officials. It has also seized the assets of his son, lawmaker Eduardo Bolsonaro, who moved to Texas and has been lobbying US officials to get tough on Lula. Meanwhile, Bolsonaro’s allies in Brazil’s right-wing legislature have closed ranks to consider tariffs and other actions against the US. On the streets, Brazilians have rallied, too, protesting US actions and burning effigies of Trump. Lula’s approval ratings have doubled within a month, polls show, and he is now the leading contender in the presidential elections next year. Some say the 2026 vote may echo election outcomes in Canada and Australia earlier this year: Both saw trailing center-left parties come from behind to easily beat Trump-linked conservatives. Moreover, though the tariffs may lower growth slightly in Brazil, its exports to the US only account for about 13 percent of its total exports, while its exports to China are more than double that. Analysts say that will allow Lula to benefit politically, as he will be able to blame Trump and the American president’s allies in the Brazilian right for any economic pain, which in any case will likely fall more heavily on regions that vote conservative. These days, Lula often speaks to Brazilians about the tariffs while wearing a hat that reads, “Brazil belongs to Brazilians.” He also talks often about how sacred Brazil’s democratic institutions are to a society that suffered under their Portuguese rulers and later under multiple dictatorships. “Trump has inadvertently made Lula into a bulwark against neocolonialism,” wrote Foreign Policy, “a role the aging firebrand will be more than happy to play.”

Brasil: Police Accuse Bolsonaro Of Receiving $ 5 Million Over One Year; Suspect Money Laundering

Brazil's police accuse Bolsonaro of receiving $5 million over 1 year, suspect money laundering 3 hours ago Brazil’s former President Jair Bolsonaro, center, temporarily allowed out of house arrest for medical exams, departs a hospital in Brasília, Brazil, Saturday, Aug. 16, 2025. (AP Photo/Eraldo Peres) BRASILIA, Brazil (AP) — Brazilian federal police accuse former president Jair Bolsonaro of receiving large sums of money without apparent justification between March of 2023 and February of 2024, according to documents obtained by The Associated Press on Thursday, potentially adding to the embattled former leader’s legal woes. Investigators say Brazil’s financial watchdog suspects it has a case of money laundering involving Bolsonaro, who in early September will face the verdict and sentencing phase of his trial over an alleged coup plot. The former president could face another trial if the attorney general decides to charge him on accusations of obstruction of justice. Bolsonaro did not immediately comment on the latest accusation but in the past has claimed he is being persecuted politically by the government of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. New documents add to legal woes The new documents added to a 170-page long obstruction-of-justice investigation allege Bolsonaro received more than 30 million Brazilian reais ($5 million), most of it without apparent justification, along with debits of almost the same amount during that period. He was president from Jan. 1, 2019 to Dec. 31, 2022. The AP had access to the documents, which were sent to the country’s Supreme Court. Much of the information of the financial watchdog comes from state-run bank Banco do Brasil. Almost 20 million reais ($3.48 million) allegedly came from more than 1.2 million direct transactions called PIX. Bolsonaro spent a similar amount on investments during the period. The documents also showed that the former president spent money on wire transfers, payment of deposit slips, withdrawals and exchange operations. Brazil’s federal police say in the new documents that Bolsonaro and his son Eduardo used “several maneuvers to dissimulate the origin and destination of financial resources, with the aim of financing and supporting activities of illegal nature of the lawmaker (Eduardo Bolsonaro) living abroad.” Earlier, Bolsonaro’s lawyers said they were surprised by the federal police’s decision to formally accuse him of obstruction of justice. Bolsonaro considered asylum in Argentina The federal police investigation revealed on Wednesday that Bolsonaro considered seeking political asylum in Argentina last year and that he continued to communicate with allies in recent weeks despite precautionary measures that now force him to be under house arrest. Justice Alexandre de Moraes, who oversees the case, told Bolsonaro’s lawyers late on Wednesday that they had 48 hours to explain why the former president was not complying with measures established for his house arrest order. Bolsonaro’s lawyers denied any wrongdoing in that case. “There was never noncompliance with any precautionary measure previously imposed,” the lawyers said in a statement, in which they added they will clarify Bolsonaro’s recent actions to de Moraes in a timely fashion. Also on Thursday, one of Bolsonaro’s lawyers said in a TV interview that the former president never seriously considered seeking political asylum in Argentina. Paulo Cunha Bueno told TV GloboNews that Bolsonaro received “every kind of suggestion” as the investigations on him went forward. “Someone sent him that asylum request in February of 2024. He could have gone, but he did not. He didn’t want it and he was neither in house arrest nor in ankle monitoring. He had every condition to flee and he did not,” Cunha said. Bolsonaro claimed in a 33-page document to Milei he was being politically persecuted in Brazil, documents obtained by federal police show. Both are staunch supporters of U.S. President Donald Trump, who has recently repeated some of the former president’s claims in his decision to impose 50% tariffs on Brazilian exports. Bolsonaro had his passport seized by Brazil’s Supreme Court in on Feb. 8, 2024. He has repeatedly sought to get it back, including prior to Trump’s inauguration earlier this year. De Moraes rejected all requests as the former president is seen as a flight risk. Manuel Adorni, spokesperson for Milei, said the Argentine government hasn’t received anything yet. A verdict and sentence in the coup trial will come from a Supreme Court panel of five justices. They are scheduled to announce their rulings between Sept. 2 and 12. The new findings will not be part of that decision. ___ Follow AP’s coverage of Latin America and the Caribbean at https://apnews.com/hub/latin-america 12

Guatemala: Historical Archive of the National Police on its 20th Aniversary

Invisible, Silenced, and All but Abandoned: The Guatemalan Historical Archive of the National Police on Its 20th Anniversary angel archivo Installation inside the police archives of "So That All Shall Know" from the polyptych "Clarification," which illustrates the covers of the official report from the Human Rights Office, Archdiocese of Guatemala, "Guatemala, never again!". Installation and photo credit: Daniel Hernández-Salazar©2009 Arévalo Government Slow to Reverse Cuts to AHPN Budget and Staff National Security Archive Calls on International Community to Support Historical Memory Efforts Across Latin America Published: Aug 20, 2025 Edited by Kate Doyle and Claire Dorfman For more information, contact: 202-994-7000 or nsarchiv@gwu.edu Subjects Human Rights and Genocide Regions Mexico and Central America Events Guatemala Civil War, 1960-1996 Project Guatemala 2023 report Report by the Association in Guatemala of Friends of UNESCO, 2023. Plan Estratégico para la Institucionalizacion del AHPN, by Antonio González Quintana, 2019. ahpn logo The Digital Archive of the Archivo Histórico de la Policía Nacional de Guatemala at the University of Texas at Austin Officials from the Interior Ministry and MICUDE tour the AHPN installation in 2024. Credit: MICUDE Washington, D.C., August 20, 2025 - Twenty years ago, a group of human rights investigators in Guatemala stumbled upon an enormous archive containing millions of historical records belonging to the country’s brutal former national police force. With support from the government’s Human Rights Prosecutor, financing from foundations and foreign embassies, and assistance from international advisors including the National Security Archive, the group managed to rescue the moldering files from a long-abandoned warehouse and turn them into the largest public repository of police records in Latin America. Since then, the Historical Archive of the National Police (AHPN) has been the source of astonishing revelations about the role of Guatemalan security forces in some of the worst human rights abuses documented during the country’s 36-year internal conflict (1960-96), including political assassinations, kidnappings, torture, and forced disappearances. Along the way, it emerged as a model for historical memory sites worldwide through the determined efforts of Guatemalans to establish ownership over their history and bring perpetrators to justice. But fast forward to today, and Guatemala’s celebrated police archive is a shadow of its former self – a hollowed-out institution operating at drastically reduced levels that has little contact with the public it is supposed to serve. The surge in authoritarianism that engulfed the country over the last decade permitted corrupt right-wing ideologues to weaponize the judicial system against judges, prosecutors, human rights defenders, journalists, and environmental activists, among others. The AHPN, long associated with the struggle for transitional justice and historical memory, became a casualty of intense government hostility. This National Security Archive report is based on a pair of site visits conducted in 2023 and 2025, two decades after the discovery of AHPN, and draws on years of experience and involvement with the police archive and historical memory efforts in Guatemala. The authors find that deteriorating conditions at the archive reflect a broader trend toward the erasure and neglect of historical memory across the region and call on the international community to protect and support institutions like the AHPN that are working to preserve it. Twenty Years Ago When the Historical Archive of the National Police was discovered in July 2005, Guatemala was almost a decade past the 1996 peace accords that ended more than 30 years of armed insurgency and violent state repression. In 1999, the Historical Clarification Commission concluded that 93 percent of documented human rights abuses were committed by Guatemalan military, police or paramilitary forces, and that some 200,000 unarmed civilians were killed or disappeared during a sustained government counterinsurgency campaign that spiraled into genocide.[1] But though the war had ended, there was a tremendous amount of work still to be done to spark national acknowledgement and reconciliation, hold perpetrators accountable, and create a new post-conflict consensus about what happened. The country’s security forces had refused to participate in the truth commission process and denied investigators access to government archives. So the discovery – on the grounds of a working police base in downtown Guatemala City – of a massive, abandoned warehouse holding a century’s worth of police records was a significant and unexpected opportunity to penetrate one of the country’s most opaque institutions and contribute to justice for its many victims. Under the leadership of Gustavo Meoño Brenner, a former guerrilla leader, a team of dozens of people labored to clean, organize, and scan the documents, turning dark and neglected spaces on the base into a humming beehive of activity and promise. The project processed and digitized millions of records and opened its doors to researchers once a critical mass of them was available for viewing several years later. The discovery of the police archive in 2005 The discovery of the police archive in 2005. Credit: Prensa Comunitaria Over the years, the AHPN grew and thrived. The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) distributed millions of dollars of donations made by other countries and international organizations in support of the project, which operated without government funding. Thousands of Guatemalan and international visitors cycled through its buildings, including government officials and foreign dignitaries. The archive issued deeply researched reports on its holdings, received students, professors, and journalists, and organized conferences. It also became an important site of memory and reconciliation, hosting cultural events and interreligious ceremonies, inviting community members to paint murals on the walls surrounding it, and offering space for a monumental sculpture called the Angel of Peace and Harmony. Rising Threats The archive entered a new phase when Guatemalan prosecutors embarked on an extraordinary series of human rights criminal trials and, for the first time, were able to draw on the official police records as criminal evidence. In 2009, the AHPN identified documents pointing to police and military involvement in the forced disappearance of labor activist Edgar Fernando García in 1984, leading to the arrest and later conviction of two former policemen. Many more trials followed that also relied on AHPN files for evidence, including proceedings against senior police and military officers for their command roles in Edgar Fernando’s disappearance, the 1980 burning of the Spanish Embassy, the 1981 kidnapping and torture of student Edgar Enrique Sáenz Calito, and the murder of Belgian priests in the late 1970s and early 80s. Guatemala’s willingness to bring perpetrators to account – and the role that the police archive played in assisting the criminal investigations – was an inspiration to countries across Latin America and around the world. Former police official Héctor Roderico Former police official Héctor Roderico Ramírez Ríos is taken into custody on charges of illegal detention and forced disappearance in 2009. Credit: Prensa Libre But the archive’s outsized public profile, as well as its contributions to the human rights trials, infuriated Guatemala’s powerful ultra-conservative sectors, among them retired military officers and wealthy business elites. After the political right’s favored candidate, Jimmy Morales, won the presidency in 2016, the government actively sought to put an end to advances in judicial reform, anti-corruption efforts, and human rights accountability. Morales’ primary accomplice was his attorney general, María Consuelo Porras, who he appointed in May 2018.[2] Since taking office, Porras has harassed, surveilled, indicted, and jailed dozens of human rights defenders, anti-corruption investigators, indigenous activists, lawyers, prosecutors, judges, and journalists. Her role earned her a designation by the U.S. Department of State as a “corrupt and undemocratic actor” in 2021 and sanctions imposed by the United States and by Great Britain in 2025. Guatemala is not the only country where human rights archives and documentation efforts are under direct attack or are suffering from deliberate acts of neglect. Throughout the Americas, as democracies weaken and authoritarian leaders rise to power, a new antagonism has emerged toward the individuals and organizations constructing narratives of past repression and state violence. The denialism of uncomfortable histories has led to an abandonment of historical memory initiatives across the board: through the closing of archives, the destruction of documents, new limits on the right to information, and the censorship of diverse histories. Examples include President Javier Milei’s move to defund memory sites containing records of Argentina’s dirty war (1976-83); threats to Peruvian human rights archives by right-wing politicians seeking to rewrite the country’s history; Mexico’s decision to change its freedom of information law to expand the government’s ability to deny public access to its records; and the removal of information from public displays about civil rights struggles at the National Archives of the United States. As Guatemala’s government escalated its assault on justice and human rights, the police archive soon became a target. In 2018, AHPN director Gustavo Meoño was severed from his position. He immediately went into exile; for years, he had been the subject of baseless legal complaints filed by right-wing figures and feared for his freedom.[3] Dozens of staff members – from archivists to investigators to IT experts to public access staff – were laid off, their contracts not renewed. UNDP was told to withdraw from its administrative role, which terminated the archive’s semi-autonomous status and turned it into an entity dependent on the federal government.[4] In 2019, Morales’ Interior Minister, Enrique Degenhart, threatened to confiscate the AHPN from the Ministry of Culture and Sports (MICUDE) and return its holdings to the reconstituted National Civil Police. That did not happen, largely thanks to pressure from Guatemalan human rights groups, civil society, and international allies. Responding to a legal petition from Human Rights Prosecutor Jordán Rodas Andrade to protect the AHPN, the Guatemalan Supreme Court ruled in 2020 that the archive belonged to the nation’s cultural patrimony and should be overseen by MICUDE, not the Interior Ministry. Equally important, the Court ordered MICUDE to ensure that the institution had the financial, administrative, and human resources necessary to continue the work of processing the archives, preserving and protecting them, and making them publicly accessible. In one sense, the ruling affirmed the government’s attempt to “institutionalize” the police archive by incorporating it into the country’s national archives system under the Ministry of Culture. And it was not unreasonable to consider the transition a natural one since it should have offered a more sustainable model for the future.[5] But in reality, the loss of the AHPN’s special independent status left it vulnerable to political and bureaucratic machinations that very quickly undermined its ability to function at the remarkable level it had achieved for 13 years. The processing of the police archive records in 2007 The processing of the police archive records in 2007. Credit: Harpers Magazine The Decline of the AHPN By the time the Supreme Court issued its decision, a second conservative government had taken power in Guatemala under President Alejandro Giammattei. Although the Interior Ministry abandoned efforts to reclaim the police archive, his administration practiced a form of extreme neglect, allowing the AHPN to wither on the vine. Following in his predecessor’s footsteps, Giammattei’s government continued to slash the archive’s budget, radically reduce its number of full-time employees, and shrink the AHPN’s public profile. Outside scholars reported difficulties in arranging research visits; as a result, the number of annual users plummeted. In 2023, a group of AHPN supporters conducted a systematic and detailed report of the impact of the government’s actions on the archive’s functions. Made up of members of the Association in Guatemala of Friends of UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization), this group used the 2020 Supreme Court ruling to compare the AHPN prior to 2018 – the year that director Meoño was fired and staff laid off – to the archive of 2023, when the report was issued.[6] Almost across the board, the authors found a lack of compliance with the orders of the Court. Their study – in English, “Historical Archive and Memory Site: Monitoring compliance with sentence 1281-2019 of the Supreme Court of Justice concerning the protection and functioning of the AHPN” – concluded that the AHPN was struggling to fulfill its obligations to process records and guarantee public access to the collection. Among the report’s most striking findings: The AHPN’s budget went from an average of $1 million/year in 2016-18, when international donors were still permitted to contribute, to an average of $124,000/year in 2019-22 after the Guatemalan government took over (pp. 13-14) The government has laid off AHPN employees at a steady pace, leaving fewer and fewer people to carry out the many tasks required to run the institution. In 2017, there were 63 people working in areas that included coordination and administration, archival processing, research and investigations, IT and digitization, maintenance, and security. In 2020 there were 30 employees, and by 2023 there were 21. The investigations team – responsible for researching human rights cases, among other critical issues – was eliminated altogether. And the staff dedicated to responding to public requests for information fell from 11 people to two, between 2020 and 2022. (pp. 15-17) According to the report, every metric related to the AHPN’s core archival functions has declined over a five-year period. Comparing the rates of document classification and description, for example, the report’s authors found that in 2022 the staff managed to complete 10 percent of what it achieved in 2017. (p. 24) Digitization (scanning the original, fragile records) in 2022 was less than 30 percent of what it was in 2017. (p. 25) Finally, regarding the public’s use of the AHPN, 5,794 researchers consulted the archive’s databases for information in 2017; in 2022, the number of users was down to 574. (p. 25) The Historical Archive of the National Police in 2025 Entrance The entrance to the AHPN in 2019, 2023, and 2025 (left to right). Credit: Antonio González Quintana/The National Security Archive In the final section of this posting, senior analyst Kate Doyle, who served for years as an international advisor to the Historical Archive of the National Police, and fellow analyst Claire Dorfman report on the conditions inside the AHPN based on a pair of on-site visits in 2023 and 2025. On both trips we were given a tour of the facilities, consulted documents in the public research room, and conducted extensive interviews with current and past employees, government officials, and human rights investigators. For the purpose of this account, we describe our visit in March of 2025, in order to provide the most updated conditions. Our first challenge was figuring out how to schedule a visit. The AHPN no longer has a website to consult and no phone number to call. After locating a Facebook page for the Archivo General de Centro América (AGCA—Guatemala’s national archives), we wrote an email to the main office (agcasecretaria@yahoo.com) and were directed to the AHPN’s current coordinator, Ulda Castillo. Ulda kindly agreed to give us a tour of the archive and allow us to speak to the staff about their work. Our second challenge was to find the building. Kate has been to the AHPN countless times since its discovery in 2005. But recently, the entrance was changed from its former location on Avenida Pedrera in Zone 6 of Guatemala City. The new entrance is still on Pedrera, but there is no formal address, no number, and no sign on the avenue indicating where to go. Areal view Aerial view of the entrance in 2025, sent to the analysts by AHPN coordinator Ulda Castillo. There is – as we discovered after wandering the avenue for 10 or 15 minutes – a blue gate that opens onto a dirt parking lot full of police buses. We walked past the buses, past a scruffy dog asleep in the sun, until we reached a long low building that belongs to the “Department of Investigations and Deactivation of Weapons and Explosives” (DIDAE), which now has the old AHPN sign bolted to its roof. The path that leads to the archive’s front door runs the length of the building, alongside a colorful mural that was painted years ago by community artists, now grimy and broken. Brokem mural wall The walk through the National Civil Police base to the AHPN in 2025. Credit: The National Security Archive We showed our IDs to a pair of police outside, then walked into the old AHPN entrance, now emptied of people. It is hard to reconcile the space with the police archive of the past: there is no more bustle of staff members, busy attending to visitors or working at their desks. Ulda met us and accompanied us through the door marked “Authorized Personnel Only” to visit with archive employees. Where once there were dozens of people laboring over the documents, we walked down empty corridors, passing empty offices. Only 17 people work here now, including the four security guards, a courier, and a cleaning woman – leaving 11 people to do the real labor of the police archive. Empty halls inside the police archive in 2025 Empty halls inside the police archive in 2025. Credit: The National Security Archive Two people work on document cleaning and conservation. Ulda told us that they had recently finished preparing police records from the department of Huehuetenango, and that they were ready to be scanned. They were now sifting through piles of documents from Baja Verapaz.[7] Walking further down the hall past doors marked “Restricted,” we entered the workspace dedicated to investigations, where there is only one person assigned to search the records system in response to requests for information. She is the last employee remaining from Gustavo Meoño’s days and the only person competent to help visiting researchers navigate the AHPN’s antiquated database to look for documents. On her desk was a thick file of letters from the government’s justice division (MP), each one representing multiple requests for information. She told us they get 10-12 letters requesting information from the MP every day and are obligated to respond within ten days.[8] She said, “It’s a lot of responsibility, I have to answer every request.” Although she is the only person in the archive fully qualified to conduct investigations, sometimes other employees have to stop what they are doing and help her because of the severe personnel shortage. Ulda told us, “We get so overwhelmed that even Paty, the cleaning woman, has pitched in to help us search and investigate so we can respond to these requests!” We moved on to the scanning area, where four people were bent over four machines. The man in charge of digitization gave us a brief demonstration of their work; the documents he was scanning were deteriorated cables from the 1960s, many eaten by insects. He told us that normally there are five people scanning all day, every day, but the fifth employee had been temporarily assigned the role of photographer for our tour and was accompanying us from room to room, snapping photos that would presumably be sent on to higher-ups as proof of the AHPN’s continued activity and visitors. Another employee manages “custodia documental,” that is, keeping track of the original paper archives and monitoring when they leave the secure area where they are stored. He led us into the stacks, where thousands of boxes fill the metal shelves. The floor at the entrance to the stacks had been ripped up, exposing a deep hole in the dirt and the pipes underneath. Rickety wooden boards were placed over parts of the hole to allow people to pass. “They’re fixing the plumbing,” explained Ulda. As we stepped over the jagged gap in the floor, the custodian described the biometric system and security cameras they had installed in order to protect the archives from damage. Our last stop was the public reading room, where there are a dozen computer terminals set up on long tables for visiting researchers. Two investigators from the Human Rights Prosecutor’s office were parked in front of screens, browsing the database for records. Juan Bautista was the attendant. He is a courteous man, in effect, the public face of the AHPN, welcoming outsiders and explaining how to file requests or consult the old “Total Image” database that the police archive still depends on. The platform is so complicated and unintuitive that Bautista often needs the help of the one staff member remaining from before 2018 to guide researchers in navigating it. Of course, when she comes to the reading room to assist researchers, she has to pause her efforts to answer the mounting MP information requests, which puts her further behind.[9] Bautista told us that very few people come to the AHPN anymore to do research. He recalled seeing a couple of international scholars over the previous few years – one Mexican, the other a Guatemalan from the United States. But no local researchers come unless they are from the government. “Sometimes former policemen or their families come to look for personal information about pensions, that kind of thing.” Since there’s so little to do in the research room, he often helps the investigations section answer the MP requests. The public reading room in 2025. Credit: The National Security Archive The public reading room in 2025. Credit: The National Security Archive Years ago, the police archive had a robust online presence through their content-rich website (now removed), their steady stream of news on Twitter and Facebook, and their occasional YouTube videos. As we prepared to leave the archive, we asked Ulda whether there was a plan to create a web page or social media account for the AHPN. The institution’s invisibility today – its lack of a public presence online and the trouble it takes even to find the actual building – is clearly an enormous obstacle for visitors. How does the AHPN update researchers or share news of the archive’s progress? For example, how would they broadcast the recent digitization of the Huehuetenango record group, a real achievement? Ulda said the AHPN is not permitted to build its own web page or unilaterally communicate with the public. Those decisions have to be made by the Ministry of Culture and Sports or by the leadership at the national archives. Nor is there an accepted procedure to share updates about advances made by the archive; outsiders learn about them through word of mouth, from visitors who post on their own social media sites, or by way of the occasional news article. Despite her position as the Coordinator of the AHPN, Ulda – along with the rest of her colleagues in the police archive – is what’s known in Guatemala as an “029,” that is, an employee working on a temporary contract, rather than occupying a permanent staff position. The archive’s contracts run for only three months and must be renewed four times every year. That lack of stability for even the most senior staff – that impermanence and uncertainty about their future – helps explain why the person who runs the daily functions of the archive does not have the authority to decide whether to launch a website, reach out to universities, or broadcast the archive’s achievements. When we told Ulda that we were going to speak with an official at MICUDE, she made prayer hands, as though to say: “Please get help.” The Fight for the Archives, Again Disappointingly, help is not on the way. Although the election of moderate, pro-democracy candidate Bernardo Arévalo as president in 2023 promised a renewed focus on human rights, Arévalo and his administration have had to govern while under constant attack by conservative members of Congress and the attorney general, Consuelo Porras. Between them, they have tried to impeach the president 13 times, and have tried ten times to have his immunity stripped from him. The ongoing political struggle has left transitional justice and memory initiatives orphaned, the police archive among them. We expressed our concerns about the AHPN during a meeting with the Ministry of Culture’s Vice Minister for Cultural Heritage, Laura Cotí Lux, one of the key officials overseeing government archives in Guatemala, including the AHPN. She readily agreed that the police archive needed more resources to operate effectively. But MICUDE does not own outright the buildings that house the police archive or the land they sit on, she added, despite the Supreme Court ruling of 2020. Those still belong to the Interior Ministry. “Conditions in the building are not ideal, as you saw. But we don’t want to invest a lot of resources into improving the installation while we are still not guaranteed that we will keep it. Every year, there are more limitations on the amount of space we can have; the AHPN is getting squeezed [by the National Civil Police—PNC] into smaller and smaller areas. Every year, the PNC territory expands and surrounds us more.” Given the scarcity of resources available to the archive in the federal budget, Cotí Lux said, international donors are once again welcome to make donations directly to the AHPN; but we saw no evidence of an active campaign to solicit funding, nor is there anyone to spearhead such an effort.[10] The vice minister pointed to the lack of professional archivists in Guatemala as one reason for the small staff of contract workers, despite the fact that the Meoño era left a legacy of experienced, trained archive employees who were the ones to rescue the abandoned repository and turn it into the institution it became. Under Presidents Morales and Giammattei, all but one of them were dismissed. When we asked why the AHPN still has no website or outreach program, Cotí Lux told us that it was Haroldo Zamora, director of the national archives (AGCA), who makes the decisions about the police archive’s communications strategy, not MICUDE.[11] The Interior Ministry and the Ministry of Culture and Sports have expressed willingness to invest new resources into the AHPN in order to improve the archive’s conditions, but to date those words have not translated into concrete actions. The government’s lackluster commitment to improving the police archive means that the conclusions made by the Association in Guatemala of Friends of UNESCO in their report – written at the tail end of the Giammattei administration in February 2023 – continue to be relevant today, 18 months into Arévalo’s presidency. The AHPN needs adequate space, funding, staff, technology, security, and infrastructure improvements to function properly. It needs permanent staff positions for stability and continuity. And it needs to be assured of its right to the land it stands on and the buildings it occupies. (pp. 32-34) From our own experience visiting the archive, we can add that the institution urgently needs a physical address, phone number, and email, so that outside researchers have a way to contact the AHPN directly. It should have its own separate and protected entrance, parking spaces for staff and visitors, and a dedicated area for community events. And the Guatemalan national archives (AGCA) should immediately facilitate the creation of a new website and reopen the archive’s social media accounts, thereby restoring public access to the archive’s past publications, photographs, videos, and historical account of its activities. The fact that the police archive has survived years of hostility directed at it by previous governments and continues to survive the sluggish pace of assistance by the present administration is testament to the sustained activism of Guatemalan civil society and international supporters. The solidarity that the coalition of friends of the AHPN showed over the years in pushing Guatemala to preserve the archive helped guarantee its continued existence. But perhaps the most important action that AHPN supporters can do today is the simplest: schedule a visit. Conduct research within its vast holdings, request copies of documents, speak to the staff, broadcast your experience on social media, and demand that the government increase the police archive’s resources.[12] The AHPN is a treasure trove of Guatemalan history. While its circumstances are unique, it fits into a larger movement of transitional justice, one that relies on an active and vocal civil society to sustain it. Guatemala was once a symbol of this effort for countries across the globe; it can be again. * * * * * * Before we left Guatemala, we sat down to talk with a group of former AHPN workers. They were among the first wave of people to be hired by Gustavo Meoño after 2005 to help rescue the enormous, deteriorating archives of the National Police: cleaning them, classifying them, scanning them, opening them to the public. None of them work there now. We agreed not to name them so they could speak freely. But most of their stories were tinged with nostalgia, not bitterness. They spoke about the role the archive has played in their lives and careers as archivists and investigators. They also recognized the singular experience of contributing to the successes of the human rights trials through their work at the AHPN. "Working there was a privilege. When the documents begin to speak..." She teared up as she spoke. Everyone nodded. Notes [1] See the English-language summary of the CEH report, Guatemala, Memory of Silence: Report of the Commission for Historical Clarification, Conclusions and Recommendations (pp. 17 and 20) for statistics regarding victims and perpetrators of human rights abuses during the conflict. [2] In 2022, Porras was appointed to a new four-year term by Morales’ successor, President Alejandro Giammattei. [3] A judge signed a warrant for his arrest in 2023, charging him for his alleged role in a 1980 bombing in Guatemala City, when Meoño was a member of the insurgency group, Guerrilla Army of the Poor (EGP). [4] Note that, beginning in 2019, when the police archive became a collection within Guatemala’s national archives, its name was changed to Fondo Documental del antiguo Archivo Histórico de la Policía Nacional (Record Group of the former Historical Archive of the National Police), or FDaAHPN. The clumsiness of that new acronym is no doubt why most people in Guatemala still refer to the collection as the AHPN, and we do the same in this posting. [5] As a consultant for the UNDP in 2019, Spanish archivist Antonio González Quintana concluded that the institutionalization of the AHPN was a necessary step in its evolution. He wrote that as “a cultural heritage asset of interest to the country, it should be protected by public institutions, which should ensure its safeguarding and its use.” https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/document/19327-plan-estrate-gico-ahpn (p. 17) [6] The report’s authors were Lucía Pellecer, Luisa Rivas, Daniel Barczay, Rodolfo Kepfer, and Juan Muñoz. [7] The AHPN consists not only of the millions of pages of files from central headquarters of the former National Police in Guatemala City, but historical files that have been transported to the archive from many of the 22 departments around the country. [8] The AHPN, like all government archives, is required to provide records for active judicial investigations. Keeping up with the sheer quantity of requests is a significant challenge under the current conditions. [9] When we visited the AHPN in 2023, we tested the system ourselves. We found that – with the investigations employee’s assistance – we were able to query the database on topics of interest to us (such as certain human rights cases, place names, the names of victims or former Guatemalan officials) and identify relevant records. We requested copies of the records, and Bautista sent us digital versions by email within a week. [10] The AHPN’s first director, Gustavo Meoño, raised millions of dollars for the archive over the years, until he was accused by officials in the Morales administration of illegally funneling foreign money to the institution. So the incentive to resume such arrangements is not immediately clear. [11] Today, the only place to find the hugely useful and informative reports that AHPN staff wrote describing the archive’s riches is a website hosted by the University of Texas at Austin, which holds a mirror copy of the 20 million records scanned before Meoño was fired in 2018. To locate the ten reports, go to the About page and scroll down to “Related Resources.” [12] As though to underscore the precarious condition of the AHPN, shortly after we left Guatemala in late March, the police archive’s database suffered a major technical problem, forcing the staff to suspend public access to the records altogether. As of late August, the problem remained, though coordinator Ulda Castillo assured us in a WhatsApp message that “steps have been taken to resolve the issue promptly and once completed, service will be restored.” The National Security Archive will continue to monitor the reestablishment of the database.

Venezuela Deploys Millions Of Fighters Over 'US Threats' To Venezuela

Venezuela Deploys Millions of Fighters Over US ‘Threats’ Venezuela Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro pledged to mobilize millions of militia members in response to the US doubling the reward for his arrest and intensifying its anti-drug operations in the Caribbean, Al Jazeera reported. Maduro said Monday that he would mobilize more than 4.5 million militia members to “ensure coverage of the entire national territory.” It’s not clear if he can hit that number, however. The militia officially counts five million members, but experts believe the real figure must be lower, as the entire population numbers only about 30 million. The plan comes in response to US actions in the neighborhood. Earlier this week, Washington deployed three US guided-missile destroyers off the coast of Venezuela as part of a broader Caribbean operation targeting narco-terrorist groups, including Mexico’s Sinaloa Cartel and Venezuela’s Tren de Aragua, according to MercoPress. The US mission also involved about 4,000 Marines, surveillance aircraft, additional warships, and at least one attack submarine. Maduro urged his supporters to recruit more workers and peasants into militias and promised to arm them with “rifles and missiles” to protect Venezuela’s sovereignty. He denounced the “extravagant, bizarre and outlandish threats” from Washington, after US President Donald Trump’s administration raised the reward for his arrest to $50 million and accused him of leading a cocaine-smuggling network known as the Cartel de los Soles without providing evidence. Washington, which did not recognize Maduro’s last two election victories, has also imposed new sanctions on his administration and the cartel he allegedly leads. Without mentioning the recent US actions specifically, Maduro has expressed gratitude for the international voices that opposed what he defined as a “rotten refrain” of threats, CBS News wrote. One such voice was that of Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum, who this month rejected US allegations against Maduro, saying that her government had no evidence tying him to the drug cartel.

Trump's Tariffs Drown The Brasilian Fish Industry

Trump's tariffs drown Brazil's fish industry By Facundo Fernandez BarrioNelson ALMEIDA, 2 days ago Tilapia farming in Brazil is a major industry, but US President Donald Trump's tariffs could hurt companies like Fider Pescados /AFP When the water pump is switched on, hundreds of tilapia come to the surface of a pond at a Brazilian fish farm. Their final destination is now uncertain because of US President Donald Trump's stiff tariffs. Fish are one of the Brazilian products subject to a whopping 50 percent levy imposed by Washington a week ago -- a stunning blow to the industry, which now fears layoffs, given that 60 percent of its exports go to the United States. Fider Pescados, Brazil's second biggest exporter of tilapia, manages 400 fish ponds along the Rio Grande in the southeastern state of Sao Paulo, the country's most populous and richest. Tilapia raised there are processed at a company factory in Rifaina, a small town of 4,000 residents. Before the new wave of tariffs, 40 percent of the 9,600 tonnes of fish produced annually by Fider Pescados was shipped to the United States. Now, exports have already plummeted by a third. "We're expecting sales to the US to bottom out, as the 50 percent tariff is untenable," company director Juliano Kubitza told AFP. Once hatched, it takes eight months for farm-raised tilapia -- a mild white fish -- to reach supermarket shelves. Fider Pescados ships both fresh and frozen tilapia to the US market /AFP "This isn't like the production cycle for chicken -- that only takes 40 days and so you can recalibrate" the production schedule, explained Kubitza, whose company employs 500 people. "In the fish industry, it's like a moving train -- you can't hit the brakes too suddenly." Kubitza is now in a race against time to find new markets for his product, and he is under no illusions that it will be easy. "No other country consumes as much (tilapia) as the United States," he said. - 'Hammer blow' - Sergio Secco, an employee of Fider Pescados, is worried that the impact of US President Donald Trump's tariffs on Brazilian fish products could cost him his job /AFP Sergio Secco, a 43-year-old team leader in Fider Pescados' fish ponds, knows that he is at serious risk of losing his job. "I told the younger staff that tariffs would be a hammer blow. Whether we want it or not, it will have consequences on production and jobs, as we export a huge amount" to the US market, he said. Some 20,000 employees in Brazil's fish industry "could be laid off or made redundant by staff cuts," warned the Brazilian Fish Industry Association. While Fider Pescados has not talked about cutting any jobs so far, Rafaela Ferreira do Nascimento, a 26-year-old who prepares tilapia filets for export in the Rifaina factory, admitted she is "a bit afraid" to find herself without work. In the short term, the company cannot let anyone go. Staff cuts would prevent it from handling all of the fish ready for harvesting. - Search for new markets - Once a fish reaches a certain weight, it must be taken to the factory for processing before being shipped -- fresh or frozen. US buyers mainly purchase fresh tilapia, which is sold at a higher profit margin. Juliano Kubitza, director of Fider Pescados, is hoping to find new customers for his tilapia, either in Brazil or abroad, to make up for crippling US tariffs /AFP "If the tariffs cut into exports, we will have to freeze some products" that were intended to be sold fresh, said production supervisor Samuel Araujo Carvalho. "Few other countries could buy fresh fish from us," said Kubitza, who hopes to boost sales at home, which already account for 50 percent of total production. But those domestic sales would fetch a far lower price than the company intended to charge before the tariffs kicked in. "Since the tariff hike, they are offering us sale prices, but before they were too expensive, and now I don't plan to buy from them," said one restaurant owner in Rifaina, on condition of anonymity. As it looks for new markets, Fider Pescados has been forced to put on hold a planned expansion, which would have allowed it to increase production by 35 percent. 100

Peru Grants Amnesty FOr Military War Crimea

Peru Grants Amnesty for Military Crimes Committed Decades Ago Peru Peruvian President Dina Boluarte on Wednesday signed into law a controversial bill providing amnesty to military personnel, police, and members of civilian self-defense groups accused of human rights abuses during the violent 1980-2000 fight against the Mao-inspired Shining Path insurgents, the Guardian reported. The legislation was created for those uniformed personnel who are on trial but not yet convicted of crimes committed during the conflict between the military and the Shining Path, which led a bloody campaign to overthrow the government, the Associated Press added. Also, those convicted who are currently over 70 will be released. During the two-decade fight against the rebel group, about 70,000 people were killed and 20,000 “disappeared,” France 24 noted. According to Peru’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, most of the victims were Indigenous Peruvians caught up in clashes between security forces and Shining Path. It said the fighting led to over 4,000 secret graves in the country. United Nations experts, who urged Boluarte to veto the law and investigate the killings and the disappearances, said it could influence 156 closed cases and more than 600 that are still open. Human rights watchdogs, including Human Rights Watch, strongly criticized the bill, describing it as “a betrayal of Peruvian victims.” HRW added that the law damages Peru’s attempts to guarantee accountability for atrocities, further threatening the country’s rule of law. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights urged Peru to “immediately suspend” the approval of the law – or refrain from applying it if already enacted – while the court assesses how the amnesty would impact victims’ rights. Meanwhile, Boluarte, who has less than a year left in office and whose approval ratings are in the single digits, said the bill is the government’s way of paying tribute to the military and self-defense groups that fought terrorism. Far-right political parties that have traditionally sided with the military, such as Popular Force, welcomed the law. Peru has passed similar amnesty laws in 1995 and 2024. In 2023, it pardoned former President Alberto Fujimori, who was sentenced to 25 years in prison for human rights violations carried out during his term of office, from 1990-2000.